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LIBRARY OF THE 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 


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The person charging this material is re- 
sponsible for its return to the library from 
which it was withdrawn on or before the 
Latest Date stamped below. 

Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books 


are reasons for disciplinary action and may 
result in dismissal from the University. 


UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 


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HISTORY 


OF THE 


Audian Wars in Slew Gugland 


FROM THE 


First SETTLEMENT TO THE [TERMINATION OF 
THE War WITH KING PHILIP, IN 1677. 


FROM THE 


ORIGINAL WORK, 


Rev. WILLIAM HUBBARD. 





Carefully Revifed, and Accompanied with an Hiftorical 
Preface, Life and Pedigree of the Author, 


AND \ 


Irtenstbe Notes, 
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE. ~ 


VC Lee Ie 





PRINTED FOR W. ELLIOT WOODWARD, 
ROXBURY, MASS. 
MDCCCLXV. 


Entered according to Act of Congrefs, in the Year 1865. 
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE, 
in the Clerk’s office of the Diftri€t Court of the United States 
for the Diftrict of Maffachufetts. 


EDITION OF THREE HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES, OF WHICH 


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TO MY SON, 


Lizrut. CoLoNeL GrorGe BERNARD Drake, 


AS A 
TESTIMONY TO HIS PATRIOTISM AND DEVOTION 
IN THE CAUSE OF HIS COUNTRY, 


WHO FOR NEAR FOUR YEARS, 
AT A GREAT SACRIFICE, AND THE PERILS OF NUMEROUS 
SANGUINARY FIELDS, 
HAS BATTLED FOR THE RESTORATION OF THE UNION 5 
AND ALSO 


TO THE MEMORY OF A BROTHER, 


‘Carr. Joun Louis Drakg, 


WHO FELL AT ANTIETAM, 
THIS TRIBUTE IS DUTIFULLY AND GRATEFULLY MADE, 


BY 


THE EDITOR. 








Fe ries Years ago I 

propofed to myfelf an Edi- 
tion of Hubbard’s Indian Wars. 
I had, not long previous, ed- 
ited and republifhed Church’s 
Entertaining Hiftory of King 
Philip’s War. The Labor and 
Refearch beftowed upon this 
Work gave me fome additional 


Tafte for the Undertaking, and 


had made me familiar with the Sources of Inform- 








ation. But as I had not then feen a Copy of the 
firft or fecond Edition of Mr. Hubbard’s Work, I 

had rather a Vague notion of the Value of it. 
The only Copy then acceflible to me was one of 
an Edition printed at Brattleborough, Vermont, 
in 1814, a Duodecimo of 348 Pages—as forry a 
Specimen of ‘Typography as could be found, even 


vi Prefatory by the Editor. 


at that Day— brown Paper and outfide Quires or 
Retrieve at that. The Book-ftores of Bofton then 
afforded no other Copy of that always popular 
Work, and this I purchafed of Mr. Jofeph Bum- 
{tead, a Printer, then a fecond-hand Bookfeller, 
on the Corner of Wilfon’s Lane and State Street, 
up Stairs. Not long after I was poffefled of this 
Copy of Hubbard, I found a perfect Copy of the 
original (Bofton) Edition in the Hands of my 
Friend, Mr. John Farmer, at Concord, N. H. 
On communicating my Object of republifhing 
Hubbard to Mr. Farmer, he highly approved of 
it, and loaned me the Copy in his keeping to en- 
able me to correct my Copy by it. I imme- 
diately fet about making mine conform to the 
Other, and foon found I had undertaken a very 
ferious Job; and that to have made a complete 
Copy of the Original would have required much 
lefs Labor than the Correétions I was obliged to 
make. Parts were tranfpofed, Words and Phrafes 
altered, Lines left out, and, in fhort, it was a 
fhocking offence to Lovers of decent Printing, 
and an unpardonable Sin againft one of the beft 
Writers of New-England. However, I made my 
Copy conform, in all literary Refpedts, to the 
Original. 


Prefatory by the Editor. vil 


Owing to certain Circumftances, not neceflary 
to be detailed, my Edition of Hubbard was de- 
ferred. But, in the mean time, I had met with 
fome twenty or thirty Copies of the Bofton 
Edition of 1775, at an Auction, uncut and in 
brown paper Covers, all of which I purchafed. 
One of thefe Copies I prepared to print from, 
though I found nearly as much Labor in making 
it conform to the Original as the Brattleborough 
Copy. 

In my refearches for an Edition of Hubbard, I 
had made extenfive Memoranda for a Biography 
of Indian Chiefs. Thefe I publifhed in 1832, 
under the Title of Indian Bugraphy, &c. Thus 
I was diverted from what had appeared to me 
a very important and defirable Object, by the 
Magnitude of a Field into which I had almoft 
unconfcioufly wandered, teeming with an Harveft 
of Indian Hiftory, rendering hitherto Publica- 
tions upon that Subject comparatively infignifi- 
cant. Hence I became further diverted, and 
hence, in 1836, refulted The Book of the In- 
dians. 

But in all this Time I had not abandoned the 
Idea of an Edition of Hubbard, and always kept 
an interleaved Copy by me, in which a Note was 


Vill Prefatory by the Editor. 
occafionally added. ‘Thus much I have thought 


it proper to note in explanation of the long ‘Time 
the Edition of Hubbard has been delayed. 

Refpecting the various Editions of Hubbard, 
I may remark, that the only correct Edition, and 
the only edition any writer on New-England 
Hiftory can depend upon, is the fecond. Al- 
though it differs but little from the firft, it is the 
fecond which received the laft Corrections of ‘its 
Author. ‘This was printed in London, in 1677, 
_the fame Year in which the firft was printed in 
Bofton. 'Thefe Editions are of the fame fize— 
both in {mall quarto, and nearly Page for Page. 
Both Editions contained the curious Woodcut 
Map, the Fac-fimile of which accompanies the 
prefent Edition. No Edition fince has contained 
the Map. | 

It is remarkable that the Bofton and London 
Editions fhould appear fo near each other as to 
Time, efpecially in view of the great Differ- 
ence between then and now in Communication 
with New and Old England; for we obferve 
that it was on the 29th of March, 1677, when 
the Committee of the General Court gave the 
Work their Sanétion, and that on the 27th of 
June, of the fame Year—not quite three Months 


Prefatory by the Editor. a ix 


thereafter —it was ‘“ Licenfed” by “ Roger 
L’Eftrange,” in London. And it is {till more 
remarkable, when we are affured that the Work 
was in the Author’s Hands a Month later than the 
Date of the Committee’s Licenfe, or certainly 
until fome Time in April, 1677." 

To the unreflecting it may appear ftrange that 
there was no edition of fo valuable and popular a 
Work as Hubbard's Indian Wars for a Period of 
about one hundred Years, But it is only neceffary 
to confider, that Readers here were few, and that 
few {carcely thought of fuch a Matter as Ameri- 
can Hiftory. Many of the Grandchildren of 
thofe who were living in the Time of Philip’s 
War wereupon the Stagein 1775. ‘To them the 
Stories of Indian Atrocities were familiar, and they 
may have thought they had no Occafion to be 
reminded of them by reading. However, as be- 
fore-mentioned, an Edition was publifhed in 
Bofton in1775. Propofals* were iffued to print 
it by Subfcription in that year, which Propofals 
were dated, “ Bofton, January 18.” Between this 


1See page 5 of poftfcript. My Attention was firft called to 

2 A copy of thefe Propofals may this by my kind friend, Samuel ‘P. 
be feen in the Effex Gazette, page Fowler, Efg., of Danvers Port, 
4 of the iffue Feb. 7th, 1775. a pattern Antiquary. | 


B 


Xx Prefatory by the Editor. 


Date and the Date of the publifher’s or editor’s 
Preface, occurred the Battles of Concord and Lex- 
ington. How a Lift of Subfcribers could have 
been gotten up in fuch turbulent Times as then 
diftracted the Community, it is difficult to com- 
prehend. Indeed, it is not unlikely that the Sub- 
fcription Lift was abandoned, as no Lift appears 
in the Work, nor is any thing faid about one. In 
lefs than a Month from the Date of.this Preface 
occurred the Battle of Bunker’s hill, which, we 
may reafonably conjecture, that while it deci- 
mated: the Flower of the Britifh Army, it might 
entirely extinguifh the frail Propofals for an 
edition of Indian wars. 

Mr. John Boyle was the Publifher of the Edi- 
tion of 1775. His Book-ftore, as late as 1813, 
was Number 18, Marlborough Street. It does 
not appear who the Editor of this Edition was. 
His Preface does not require to ‘be inferted in 
this Edition. The Notes with which Mr. Boyle’s 
Editor has favored us are very few and of {mall 
Value. ‘Thomas mentions Boyle in his Hiftory 
of Printing, and might have told us fomething 
about the Work of Hubbard and its Editor, but he 
does not mention them, although he was among 
thofe appointed to receive Subfcribers for Mr. © 


Prefatory by the Editor. x1 


Boyle’s Edition. In the Propofals the Title of 
Hubbard is made to read thus: “ A Narrative of 
the INDIAN WARS in New England...... 
from 1607 to 1677, containing a very particular 
Account of the War with the Pequons, the War 
commonly called King Pézip’ s, the Narraghan/ett 
War, and the Wars from Pi/cataqua to Pemaquid 
> ieee Together with a Preface, & fome mar- 
ginal Notes by another Hand.” Then follows 
this {trong Recommendation of the Work, written, 
no doubt, by the fame Perfon who wrote the 
Preface: “This brief, though exact NARRATIVE, 
is now in but few Hands; & unlefs reprinted, mutt 
{oon be entirely loft, & with it, in a great Meaf- 
ure, the memorable Salvations of Divine Provi- 
dence to this People in their infant State, worthy 
to be kept in everlafting Remembrance. In or- 
der, therefore, that the prefent, as well as fu- 
ture Generations may be made acquainted with 
the Miferies and Hardfhips which their renowned 
Anceftors underwent in bringing forward the 
Settlement of New-England, the Publifher, at 
the Requeft of a Number of refpectable Gentle- 
men, hath iffued thefe Propofals, not doubting 
that a fufficient Number of Subfcriptions may be 
procured amply to compenfate for the Under- 


Xii Prefatory by the Editor. 


taking.” Following this is copied the Recom- 
mendation, (of Mr. Bradftreet, Mr. Dennifon and 
Mr. Dudley) which fronts the Title-page of the 
original Edition. ‘Then are given the “ CON- 
DITIONS.” 


“I. Hubbards Hiftory of the Indian Wars will contain about 300 Pages! 
in o€tavo,2 to be printed ona good Paper & neat Type. Il. That fo 
truly valuable & entertaining a Work may be more univerfally fpread 
among Mankind, the Publifher has put the price to Subfcribers fo low, 
as two piffareens, fewed in blue? [paper covers] which will be much 
cheaper than any Book of the kind, ever printed in England or America, 
a Book of that Size being commonly fold at four /billings lawful Money. 
III. If any of the Subfcribers fhould choofe to have them Bound, they 
are defired to fignify it at the Time of fubfcribing, & the Publifher will 
have them done for 1/. lawful Money, in plain Binding, & 1/, & 4d. gilt 
and lettered. JV. The work will be put ta the Prefs as foon as a fufh- 
cient number of Subfcribers are obtained barely to defray Expenfe, which 
the Publifher flatters himfelf will be in a few Weeks. V. Thofe that 
fubfcribe for Szx will have a feventh gratis, Subfcriptions are gratefully 
received by ohn Boyle, the Publifher, in Marlborough Street: L/aiah 
Tomas, Printer, near the Mill Bridge, & Edes & Gall, Printers in Queen 
ftreet, Bofton : & by S. & E. Hall, Printers in Salem.” 


The Edition of Mr. Boyle I believe to be the 
third, as I have not heard of any between 1677 
and 1775. ‘The fubfequent editions are all Copies 
of that of Boyle, or Copies of thofe copied from 
his, and do not require but a pafling Notice. 


1Tt contains 288 pages. Copies purchafed by meatan Auc- 
2It is in duodecimo, tion, before mentioned. Copies of 
3In this Condition were the this Edition are not rare. 


Prefatory by the Editor. xii 

The firft Edition met with after 1775 is dated 
Worcefter, 1801. It is alfo a Duodecimo, and 
contains 410 pages. ‘‘ Printed by Daniel Green- 
leaf, for Jofeph Wilder.” The Printers or Pub- 
lifhers feem to have become quite alive to 
the importance of Hubbard’s Indian Wars, 
about this Time, as three other Editions followed 
very foon after, namely, one at Norwich, Con- 
necticut, in 1802, one at Danbury, in the fame 
State, 1803, and another at Stockbridge, in 1803, 
alfo. ‘The Edition of Norwich is without Date, 
printed by John Trumbull. An Advertifement 
of the Time fhows it to have been publifhed in 
May, 1802. Itisin12mo alfo, andcontains 228 
Pages on a fair Type, but coarfe bluifh Paper. It 
is from the 1775 Edition, “ with fome Omiffions 
of the introductory Remarks, and occafional Re- 
flections of the Author.’? 

We come now to the Danbury Edition of 
Stiles Nichols, 1803, a faithful Copy of the Nor- 
wich Edition, Errors of the Prefs not excepted. 
This is diftinguifhable by a Cut of an Indian in 
the Title-page, which Cut, could it have been feen 
by T. F. Dibdin, he never would have made up 
Faces at the engraved Title of a certain Edition of 


1 Hiftorical Magazine, and Notes and Queries, i., 348. 


X1V Prefatory by the Editor. 


Stow’s Chronicle, for if the cutting in Stow is 
“enough to give one the Cholic,” that of this 
Indian is enough to frighten any Body but an 
Antiquary, and might well caufe a lefs veteran 
Reader than ourfelf to exclaim, like Patroclus: 


“* Some rugged rocks hard entrails gave the form, 
And raging feas produced thee in a ftorm.” 


The most refpectable Edition fince the two 
firft is that of Stockbridge, 1803, an Odtavo of 
375 Pages, on {mall pica Type. It was publifhed 
by Sub{cription, and the fubfcribers’ Names occu- 
pied fix clofely printed Pages. It was “ printed 
by Heman Willard, May .... 1803.” 

About 1834, (the Title-page is without date) 
Samuel L. Knapp reprinted Hubbard in a fort 
of Periodical, in large quarto Form. ‘The Work 
of Mr. Knapp is entitled, Lzbrary of American 
Hiftory, and appears to have been undertaken 
with a view of bringing ftandard Works on Ame- 
rican Hiftory into a compact Form and ata {mall 
Price ; but it was a Failure. ‘The fmallnefs of the 
Type was enough to kill it, and the Editorfhip 
was of very {mall Account. In this Field of the 
Dead was the laft Iffue of Hubbard laid. . It is 
now propofed to refufcitate the excellent Author, 
and reftore him to the Place he is entitled to 
among the living Ones. 


Prefatory by the Editor. XV 


My Notes are much briefer than they would 
have been had I publifhed the Work many Years 
ago, for the Reafon that innumerable Sources of 
Information have been laid open and rendered ac- 
ceffible by Publications too numerous to mention. 
It will, therefore, generally be only neceflary to 
-refer to Works known to be eafily acceffible. It 
may, however, be well to apprife the Reader that 
two of the Works, hitherto acceffible to but a few, 
have recently been reprinted. I refer to the 
two Works of Dr. Increafe Mather, covering the 
whole Period of New-England Indian Wars to 
the Clofe of King Philip’s War. The Works of 
Mather, while they are invaluable to the Hifto- 
rian, are far inferior as a whole tothe Work of 
Mr. Hubbard. This can, and ought to be, freely 
allowed, and in no invidious Spirit. Their re- 
publication with the Notes accompanying render 
Notes to Hubbard in many Cafes unneceflary. 
Befides the Works of Mather as a Source of In- 
formation on the Indian Wars, it is hardly ne- 
ceflary to call attention to that crude, but never- 
thelefs authentic and voluminous Mafs of 
Materials, entitled, Te Book of the Indians. 
Thefe Materials, of themfelves, furnifh a pretty 
full Sequel to the old Works on the Indian Wars. 


XVi Prefatory by the Editor. 


But fince the Publication of the Book of the 
Indians (in 1833) Hiftories of a great number of 
New England Towns have been put forth. In 
many of thefe Materials are found important for 
the perfecting of our Indian Hiftory. I need 
not enumerate fources of Information, as my 
Notes will fufficiently indicate them. I will, 
however, refer to my Edition of Church's Enter- 
taining Hiftory of King Philip's War, only for 
the Purpofe of obferving that it was dome when 
materials were very fcarce and generally beyond 
my Reach. Indeed, I may fay, it was prepared for . 
publication in the very Infancy of Knowledge 
upon the Subject, fo far as concerned myfelf.. I 
therefore hoped at fome Time to republifh it, with 
what modern Light I could throw upon it, and 
kept an interleaved Copy in which I have made 
many Additions. But I fhall probably be faved 
the Trouble of another Edition, as the Work of 
Church is now announced, by a brother Bookfeller, 
for publication, and quite unceremonioutly as re- 
{pects myfelf. 

In noticing the firft Edition of this work, Re- 
ference was omitted to be made to an Errata 


which occupied the laft Page of the introductory 


Brefatory Note by the Editor. xvii 


Matter. That Errata is thus prefaced: “ The 
Printer fo the Reader. By Reafon of the Author’s 
long and neceflary Abfence from the Prefs, to- 
gether with the Difficulty of reading his Hand, 
many Faults have efcaped in the Printing, either 
by miftaking of Words, or mifprinting of Sen- 
tences, which doe in fome Places not a little 
confound the Sence, which the Reader is defired 
to correct before he begins to read.” The Errata 
is carefully corrected in the fecond or London 
Edition, and is only mentioned here to fhow how 
troublefome it was to Printer and Author, living 
only twenty-feven Miles apart, in 1676. How- 
ever, “the long and neceflary Abfence of the 
Author” may refer to fome other Abfence, and 
not to his ufual Abfence from Bofton, when at 
Home. 

As in my former Editions of the O/d Chroni- 
cles, fo in this, I have endeavored to give the 
Work literally. The Punctuation I have, in fome 
few inftances, found it neceflary to change. Spell-. 
ing has not been altered. As to the Ufe of 
capital Letters the Compofitor has been inftructed 
to endeavor uniformity, and to conform to the 
Cuftom of the Period of the fecond Edition. 

C 


xvill Prefatory Note by the Editat 
The Paging in Brackets is that of the fame Edi- 


tion. 





Bofton, 
13 Bromfield ftreet, 
16 December, 1864. 





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LIFE OF THE AUTHOR. 


HE Rev. William Hubbard, was born at 
Menucrine in bitex, England, in 1627; 

_ or 1622; came to New England in 1635, 

as is found by a certain Lift of Paffengers in the 
Rolls Office, London.? His Father was William 
Hubbard, defignated on the Lift as a Hufband- 
man, but was from the firft, in New England, 
{tiled “ Mifter.” All thofe bearing the Name of 
Hubbard, who came at this Time, in the Ship 
Defence, which failed from London in July, 
1635,3 are prefumed to have belonged to the 
Family of Mr. William Hubbard. ‘Their Names 
are “W. Hubbard, Hu/d., aged 40; Judith, a. 25; 
hoon, 2, 16% William, 4.133. Nathaniel) a.’ 6‘ 
michnard, a. 4; Wlartha, a. 22; Mary,#e0.’' The 
two laft were probably Sifters of Mr. William 
Hubbard, the others his Children. ‘The Judith, 


' Now written Tendring. Be- 2See Founders of New England, 
lieved to be the Refidence of his 39. 
Father before the Emigration of the 3'There is an Intimation that he 
Family. Itis five and anhalf Miles may have been in the Country as 
from Manningtree. There is an- early as 1630, which is not unlikely, 
other near Saffron Walden. and had returned for his Family. 





XX Life of the Author. 


a. 25, is{uppofed to have been his Wife; if fo fhe 
was probably a fecond Wife. A Word more of 
Mr. William Hubbard, before proceeding to {peak 
of his eminent Son, our Author. 

Mr. William Hubbard fettled in Ipfwich on 
his arrival in New England, was made a Freeman 
in 1638. As early as 1629, he advanced fifty 
Pounds to the Company in England “for the 
carrying on of the Plantation,” which fhows that 
he had been fome Time interefted in the Country, 
and was a man of Sub{ftance. He was a Deputy 
to the General Court in the Years 1638, 1639, 
1643, 1644, 1645 and 1646, and a Juftice of the 
Quarterly Court. ~The General Court, in 1638, 
granted him 300 acres of Land, probably on ac- 
count of the Money he had advanced the Maffa- 
chufetts Company before the Emigration; but 
five Years later he had’a Grant of 1000 Acres. 
He removed to Bofton in 1662, and died here in 
1670, aged 75. Capt. Edward Johnfop,{peaks of 
him as “a learned Man, being well read in State 
Matters, of a very affable and humble Behavior, 
who hath expended much of his Eftate to helpe 
on this Worke; altho he be flow of Speech, yet is 
hee downright for the Bufineffe.”" Yet he was 
acknowledged one of the moft able fpeakers in 
the General Court. He endowed the Grammar 
School in Ipfwich, and gave the Ground for the 
School-houfe. 

_ Mr. Hubbard graduated at Harvard College in 


1 Wonder-working Providence, 109-10. 


Life of the Author. XXx1 


1642, prepared himfelf for the Miniftry, and was 
fettled in his adopted-Refidence as Colleague with 
the Rev. Thomas Cobbet in 1656. He foon 
became noted for his Learning and fuperior Know- 
ledge; and yet feems to have avoided Diftin¢tion, 
to have been happier at Home in his own Family 
circle than in Places which are generally fought 
for Oftentation and Difplay. And notwithftand- 
ing he avoided Controverfies, he could not always 
Efcape being placed in an Attitude from which, no 
doubt, he would gladly have been free. Thus we 
are told he was one of the feventeen Clergymen 
who bore teftimony againft the fettlement of the 
Rev. John Davenport over the Old South Church 
in Bofton, in 1667.1 ‘The General Court took 
up the Matter and paffed a vote of Cenfure on the 
feventeen Clergymen for their Decifion. Againtft 
this interference Mr. Hubbard, with others, pro- 
tefted.2, And their Action, it appears, had the 
Effect to caufe the Court to apologize. In 1674, he 
was again one of a Council-of thirteen to fettle a 
Difficulty in the fame Church about the admiflion 
of certain Members.3 We next find him attempt- 
ing to quiet a Difturbance in the Church of 
Rowley, but with what Succefs is not ftated. 
This was in the Beginning of November, 1675, 
when he was engaged on his Hiftory of the 
Indian Wars. The next Year he preached the 
Eleétion Sermon, which was printed. It isamong 


1 See Wifner’s Hift. Old South, 2 Felt’s Ipfwich, 228. 
8; and Hutchinfon, Hift. Mafs., 1, 
270. 3 Wifner’s Old South, 11, 84. 


XX1l Life of the Author. 


the beft then ever iffued —flowing with a depth 
of Thought, and a Philofophy which no ordinary 
mind could produce. Itisin a quarto Form, and 
is occafionally found bound up with the firft 
Bofton Edition of his Hiftory of the Indian Wars. 
The following Year, namely, 1677, that Hiftory 
appeared, of which fufficient has been faid in the 
Preface to this Edition. 

We have but a vague Hint that Mr. Hubbard 
made a Voyage to Europe; that he was in Eng- 
land in 1678; that he returned ‘“ by October to 
the great Satisfaction of his Parifhoners.’! No- 
thing further could be learned, it would feem, by 
the very diligent and pains-taking Author of the 
Hiftory of Ipfwich, long a Refident in a Part of 
that ancient Town, and, as is prefumed, converf- 
ant with its Records. Nor has any one told us 
whether there are any Papers extant which once 
belonged to our Hiftorian. It is not improbable 
that, as has been fuggefted in the Hiftory of Ipf- 
wich, Mr. Hubbard failed for London about May, 
1677, and that he was then able to take with him 
fome Impreffions of the Edition of his Indian 
Wars, and to fuperintend its republication there. 

Mr. Hubbard’s next literary Labor was upon a 
Hiftory of New England. How long he had it 
in Hand does not appear, though it may be con- 


| He fays incidentally in his Pre- Country.” It is evident that he 
face to the Hift. of New England, failed for England after the 16th of 
that he had been in New England February, 1677, and if he returned 
48 years, *‘ fave two orthree Years, by Odtober, 1678, he was abfent 
when he was abfent in his native but about 16 or 18 Months. 


Life of the Author. XX111 
jectured that he was ftimulated to undertake it by 
the Friend of New England with whom he affo- 
ciated while in London. However thismay have 
been, it is certain that in the Spring following his 
Return from England, his Work was finifhed, and 
laid before the General Court for its fanction, and 
aid, if it faw fit to grant them. The Action of 
the Court upon it, is dated the eleventh of June, 
1679, and is thus expreffed on its Records :— 
“This Court being informed that Mr. Wm. Hub- 
bard hath taken Paynes in compiling a Hiftory of 
New England, doe order that our honored Gov- 
ernor |Simon Bradstreet | and William Stoughton, 
Esquier, Capt. Daniel Fifher,* Lieut. Wm. John- 
son,” and Capt. Wm. Torrey,3 be a Committee 
to perufe the same, and make Return of their 
Opinion thereof to the next Seffion, that the Court 
may then, as they fhall then judge meete, take 
order for the Impreffion thereof.’* Here the 
Matter refted for about two Years, when, on the 
eleventh of October, 1682, it was again brought 
up, and the following Order was paffed : “‘ Whereas 


1 He belonged to Dedham, and 
diedin 1683. His Son, of the fame 


attainments. He was from Wey- 
mouth. ‘* He wasa Perfon of fuch 


Name, was confpicuous the next 
Year for the refolute Part he took in 
the Revolution. See Hift. and An. 
tiqs. Bofton, 484. 


2 Son, I fuppofe, of Capt. Edward 
Johnfon, Reprefentative from Wo- 
burn. 


3 A Man of fuperior Abilities and 


deep and extenfive Views, that in 
Publick Affairs of great Difficulty, 
the Governor, Dep. Governor and 
Council of the Colony uf’d to fend 
to him, tho’ 15 miles off, to help 
them with his wife Obfervations and 
Advice.”—Prince, Pref. to Torrey’s 
Brief Difcourfe. 


4 Ma/s. Col Records. 


XX1V Life of the Author. 

it hath binn thought neceflary, anda Duty incum- 
bent vpon vs, to take due notice of all Occur- 
rences and Paflages of Gods Providence towards 
the People of this Jurifdiction fince their firft 
arrivall in thefe Parts, which may remajne to 
Pofterity, and that the Reverend Willjam Hub- 
bard hath taken Paynes to compile a Hiftory of 
this Nature, which the Court doeth with thank- 
fulnefs acknowledge; and as a Manifeftation 
thereof, doe hereby order the Treafurer to pay 
vnto him the Some of fiuety Pounds in Money, he 
tranfcribing it fairely into a Booke, that it may 
be the more eafily pervfed, in order to the fatif- 
faction of this Court.’ 

Probably, owing to the Poverty of the Treafury 
Department, the fifty Pounds was not paid; anda 
new Order was made on the 30th of March, 1683, 
which is thus expreffed: “’This Court hauing 
formerly granted fifty Pounds to y° Reu. Mr. W™ 
Hubbard in Confideration of his Pajne in Colleét- 
ing a Hiftory of the Firft Planting and Settling 
of this Colony, as in Odtober laft, for fifty Pounds, 
it is ordered, that the Treafurer pay him or his 
order halfe of the fajd Sume, as foone as Mone 
comes into his Hands, and that the Debts due from 


1Tn his Preface to the ‘‘ Hiftory 
of New England,’’—to be noticed 
onward,—he fays he came here 
** about forty-eight Years fince,” but 
there being no Date to the Preface, 
the Time 1s a little uncertain. It was, 
however, very likely written about 


the Time the above Order was made, 
and accompanied the Copy of the 
Hiftory, ‘‘ fairly tranfcribed into a 
Book.” Hencethe Time of his emi- 
gration agrees with 1635, and not 
with 1632, as “‘ Tranjcriber” fays 
in Mafs. Hif?. Colls. 


Life of the Author. XXV 


the Country be payd in Courfe they arife, due by 
this Court’s Order.” 

The Work appears to have been copied and 
made ready for the Prefs; but whether the Au- 
thor received anything we do not find. It is, 
however, certain that the General Court never 
publifhed the Work, and it thus laid in Manu- 
{cript until the Year 1815, when another Move- 
ment was made for its publication. It was 
printed by the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society, 
by the aid of Funds furnifhed by the Legiflature. 
The Work can hardly be faid.to have been 
edited,* and it was printed on an inferior and 
coarfe Paper, altogether unworthy of the Work. 
But poor as the Edition was, it became fcarce in 
the courfe of about thirty Years, and the Society 
found itfelf under the necefflity of republifhing 
it. This was done in 1848, under the very able 
Editorfhip of Mr. William Thaddeus Harris, of 
Cambridge, and was in other refpedcts refpectably 
brought out. It forms two Volumes of the Hif- 
torical Collections, making volumes fifth and 
fixth of its Second Series. ‘Though divided into 
two Volumes the Work is continuoufly paged. A 
number of Copies of the firft Edition were ftruck 
off for the Commonwealth, in Confideration of 


1 There is an able and excellent been a better Chronicler. Jofeph 
Preface to the Society’s Edition, McKean was affociated with him, 
written by the Rev. Abiel Holmes, but Mr. Holmes evidently drew up 
than whom, fince the Days of the the ‘‘ Prefatory Notice,” and made 
Rey. Thomas Prince, there hasnot what few Emendations there are, 


4B, 


XXxvl Life of the Author. 


Funds advanced as before mentioned. Of the 
fecond Edition, a few were alfo feparately 
printed. 

In compofing his Hiftory of New-England, 
Mr. Hubbard had Winthrop’s Manufcript Jour- 
nal, Governor Bradford’s Hiftory of Plymouth 
Colony, and* many other original Documents, 
fome of which are not now probably in Exiftence, 
which much enhances the Value of the Work. 
The Fafhion of writing Hiftory has greatly changed 
fince the Days of Mr. Hubbard and his Cotem- 
poraries. In their Time it was not cuftomary to 
give Authorities, or to be always Exactin Dates. 
Mr. Hubbard drew freely from his Documents, 
putting them into elegant and intelligible Lan- 
guage. Some Critics have accufed him of appro- 
priating Materials to his own Ufe without Ac- 
knowledgment, but the Accufation is an ill timed 
one, as ample Acknowledgment is found in his 
Preface.' 

During the year 1682, Mr. Hubbard delivered 
a Faft Sermon, and a Funeral Difcourfe on the 
Death of General Daniel Denifon, pronounced 
“fuperior productions” by competent Judges. 
Thefe were printed. The fame Year he was 
called upon, with four other diftinguifhed Gentle- 
men, to decide, as far as they could by ther 
Recommendation, a Difficulty ofa parochial Nature 
in Andover. ‘The other Gentlemen were Daniel 


1 This was recently found, in Belknap, and has been printed by 
tranicript, among the Papers of Dr. the Mafs. Hift. Society, 


Life of the Author. XXVii 


Denifon, Samuel Philips, John Richardfon and 
Samuel Appleton—Mr. Hubbard’s Name ftanding 
fecond among them. Mr. Hubbard was not 
of an impulfive or fanatical Temperament, but 
for the Times rather difpofed to be tolerant, or as 
Hutchinfon exprefles it, ‘ Catholic” in his Views. 
Hence he was felected and appointed to act in the 
Capacity of Prefident of Harvard College, by Sir 
Edmund Andros, in 1688, Dr. Increafe Mather 
being abfent. And we learn from an Entry in 
Judge Sewall’s Diary, that at that Commence- 
ment Mr. Hubbard “ made an Oration, in which 
he compared Sir W™. Phips to Jafon bringing 
home the Golden Fleece.’? 

During Mr. John Dunton’s Refidence in this 
Country, in the Courfe of his Travels he vifited 
Ipfwich. The next Day after his Arrival Mr. 
Hubbard called upon him, “hearing he had 
brought to Bofton a great Venture of Learning, 
& afterwards took him to his Houfe & gave him 
a very handfome Entertainment.” Mr. Dunton 
at once appreciated the Character of our Au- 
thor—obferving, “he freely communicates his 
Learning to all who have the Happinefs to fhare 
in his Converfe. Ina Word, he is learned without 
Oilentation and Vanity, and gives all his Produc- 
tions fuch a delicate Turn and Grace (as is feen in 
his printed Sermons and Hiftory of the Indian 
Wars) that the Features and Lineaments of the 


1 Quincy’s Hif, Harvard Coll.i, Reg’r, vi, 74. Mr. Mather failed 
58, 59.—N. Eng. Hiff. {F Gen. for England, 7 April, 1688. 


XXVIil Life of the Author. 


Child make a clear Difcovery and Diftinétion of 
the Father ; yet he is a Man of fingular Modetty, 
of {trict Morals, and has done as much for the 
Converfion of the Indians, as moft Men in New- 
England.” This was the unbiafed Judgment 
of a man qualified to form a correct Opinion of 
Men; and adds Force to the Fact, that it often 
happens that thofe who do the moft Good in the 
World are the laft to proclaim it. 

There was written a Letter to Governor John 
Archdale of South Carolina, dated at Ipf{wich on 
the 26th of June, 1696, -refpecting Emigrants 
from that Town to that Colony. It isan able 
Performance, and is attributed on internal Evi- 
dence to Mr. Hubbard. Three Years later he 
joined fome others in a Reproof refpecting a De- 
claration made by Brattle Street Church in 
Bofton: that Declaration being charged with 
being lax in fome of its Ordinances. He was 
now far advanced in Years, and probably allowed 
the ufe of his Name in fome Inftances where no 
harm could arife from fuch ufe. Two years 
after, 1701, in connection with the Rev. Mr. 
John Higginfon of Salem, Mr. Hubbard pub- 
lifhed a “‘ Dying Teftimony to the Order of the 
Churches.” 

In the mean time he had affifted Dr. Cotton 
Mather materially by furnifhing him with Faéts 
for his Church Hiftory. This is properly ac- 


1 Life and Errors, i, 134. 


Life of the Author. XX1X 


knowledged by Dr. Mather in his Magnalia, 
publifhed in 1702. 

Onethe fecond of Aucutt,, 1702, there. isa 
Record to the Effect, that through the Infirmities 
of Age he is unable to perform his duties asa 
Minifter, and defires his People to provide him 
fome Affiftance ; and on the fixth of the following 
May he retired from his minifterial Labors. His 
Circum{tances were probably not afHuent, and 
perhaps on the other extreme. However that 
may have been, his Society fhowed their good 
will towards him by making him a Prefent of 
fixty Pounds. The Hiftorian of Ipfwich fays, 
and of all Men of this Generation he ought to be 
beft informed on this Subject: “Though Mr. 
Hubbard had a large Patrimony, yet he ex- 
pended this as well as his Salary in the Support 
of his Family, and in difcharging the Duties of 
Hofpitality and other Benefices.””! 

If he had become a Burden to his Parifh, which 
does not appear, he continued fo but a brief 
Period after the Clofe of his Aétive labors, for his 
peaceful Days were fuddenly terminated on the 
Night of September the 14th, 1704, at the Age of 
83. The Event is noticed by Judge Sewall in his 
Diary, in thefe Words: ‘September 14th, 1704, 
Thurfday, Mr. Hubbard of Ipfwich goes to the 
Lecture, after to Col. Appleton’s, goes Home, and 
dies that Night.” Some time before his Death, 
the Meeting-houfe in which he preached having 


1 Felt, Hiffory of Ip/wich, 231. 


XXX Life of the Author. 


become old, it was fold for twenty Pounds.’ His 
Society a few days after his Deceafe, voted thirty- 
two Pounds towards his funeral Charges, in which 
was included the twenty Pounds, the Proceeds of 
the Old Meeting-houfe. 

Strange to fay, no Monument of any kind 
marks the laft Refting-place of this eminent 
Scholar, Hiftorian and Divine! Nor does any 
one know even his Place of Sepulture ! 

His Refidence was about one hundred Rods 
from the late Dr. Dana’s Meeting-houfe, near 
the Bank of the River, commonly called Turkey 
Shore. He was twice married. His firft Wife 
was Margaret, only Daughter of the Rev. Na- 
thaniel Rogers, and fifter to the Rev. Dr. John 
Rogers, the fifth Prefident of Harvard College. 
She is faid to have been a Lady of many Virtues 
and excellent Reputation, but the Time of her 
Death is not known, and like her eftimable Con- 
fort, probably refts without a Monument to 
denote her Place of Burial. Late in Life he 
married a fecond Time, Mary, Widow of Samuel 
Pearce, who was living in 1710. This Conneétion 
was faid to have been difpleafing to his People, 
from a Fancy that he had taken a Companion not 
focially his Equal, while, in other refpects, fhe 
was allowed to be a worthy and virtuous Perfon. 


1 Jan. 16, 1701.—Heard Mr. was preached in the New Meeting- 
Rogers preach the laft Sermon in houfe.—Sewall’s Diary. 
the Old Meeting-houfe before it 2 Hift. [pfwich, 231. It is lam- 
was torn down. On the 19th of entable there are no early Hiftori- 
the fame month, the firft Sermon cal Difcourfes about Ipfwich. 


Life of the Author. XXX1 


On reading the Works of Mr. Hubbard, every 
one muft allow that Mr. Dunton rightly judged 
of the Charaéter and Mind of that Author. Turn 
to his Dedication of the Indian Wars to the three 
Governors, andl am of the Opinion that it would 
be difficult at this day to find a finer Piece of 
Compofition. His References to his Work is as 
modeft as it is elegant, and fo happily conceived, 
that I cannot avoid extracting the clofing Part 
of it: “It carries nothing with it but Truth, (as I 
hope it will be found) which may well expect to 
meet with a ready Welcome, and fuitable Enter- 
tainment in every honeft Mind: but all Men are 
not fo equally balanced in their Affections as to 
bear with Plain Dealing, and give that harmlefs 
Dove a refting Place in their Minds for the Sole 
of her Foot.” England’s great Poet was not more 
happy in his Eftimate of the Compofition of Man’s 
Nature, expreffed in thefe immortal Lines: 

«« Men mutt be taught as if you taught them not, 
And ‘Things unknown propof’d as Things forgot.” 

And it will readily be perceived, that the 
Philofophy which operated to produce in the 
Mind of the Hiftorian the Sentiment expreffed 
in the above Paragraph was the fame which 
gave to our Literature the imperifhable Verfes 
of the Poet of Twickenham. 


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MARRATIVE 


Ore Gib ER OUBLES* WITH. THE 


INDIANS. 


In NEW-ENGLAND, from the firft planting thereof in the year 
1607. to this prefent year 1677. But chiefly of the late 
Troubles in the two laft years, 1675, and 1676, 


To which is added a Difcourfe about the Warre with the 


Pee Ori, ©. DS 


In the year 1637. 


By W. Hubbard, Minifier of ; Ip{wich. 


And the Lord faid unto Mofes, write this for a Memoriall in a Book, and rehearfe it in 
the ears of Fofeua; for I will utterly put out the Remembrance of Amelek 
from under heaven. Exod. 17 14. 

Wherefore it is faid in the book of the Warrs of the Lord, what he did in the red fea, and 
inthe Brooks of Arnon. Numb: 21 14. 

As cold waters to a thirfty foul, fois good news from a far Country. Prov 25.25. 





Exprefla Imago, et quafi fpeculum quoddam vite humane eft hiftoria, quia talia 
vel fimilia femper poffunt in mundo accidere. T'hucyd. 

Hiftoria tradit que facta fint, et que femper fint futura, donec eadem manet homi- 
num natura idem. 

Hiftorig cognitio tutiffima inftitutio, et preparatio eft ad aétiones politicas et illu- 
ftris Magiftra ad perferendas fortune vices. Po/yé. 








Publifhed by Authority. 








RO) geo areas O24 Nias 
Printed by Fobn Fofter, in the year 1 67 7. 





nia 





Notes to the next Page. 


1 The Work was probably already 
in print, for if the printing was not 
commenced before the ‘* zgth of 
March, 1677,” the Time to print 
it and fend a copy to London, and 
have it ‘‘ Licenced” there on the 
following 27th of June, fhort of 
three Months, would be a difpatch 
nearly equal to what. we could ex- 


pect at this Day. 
2 Bradftreet, Denifon and Dud- 


ley are Names too familiar to all 
Readers of New England Hiftory, 
to require any {pecial Notice. For 
the Names as printed to the original 
Edition I have fubftituted fac-fimile 
Autographs. It will be feen that 
Gen. Denifon did not write his Name 
Dennifon, as it is printed in the 
Hiftory of Ipfwich, and in many 
other Works. The three Gentlemen 
were very nearly related. The Wife 
of Gov. Bradftreet was fifter to Mr. 
Dudley, and was noted for her po- 
etical Talents. Gen. Denifon mar- 
ried Patience, another Sifter. 


3 It will be feen by a reference to 


the Poftfcript, that the Author had 
not finifhed his Work as late as April 


of the Year of publication, and that 


it was licenced in England but about 
two Months after he is known to 
have been at work upon it. 


4 A fomewhat prominent Perfon 
during and after the Civil Wars. 
He fuffered a long Imprifonment for 
the Courfe he took againft his Coun- 
try during Cromwell’s Rule, and 
came very near lofing his Head. His 
proper Character will be found in 
the Cyclopedia of Englifh Literature. 
He tranflated many Works, wrote 
Poetry, and publifhed one of the firft 
Newfpapers in England, a Volume 
of which is before me. | He was of 
an ancient Norfolk Family, and died 
on the 12th of Dec. 1704. The 
Puritans were no Favorites of his, 
which he difcovered on various Oc- 
cafions. They retaliated by anagra- 
matizing his Name, making it read 
Lying Strange Roger. He received 
the honor of Knighthood from James 
II. See 4 Complete Hift. of Europe 


Sor 1704, p. 592. 


estan sett cries tt es tt tae oy 


4) ge worthy Author of this Narrative (of. 
whofe Fidelity we are well aflured) by his 
great Pains and Induftry, in collecting and compil- 
ing the feveral Occurrences of this Indian Warre, 
from the Relations of fuch as were prefent in 
the particular Actions, hath faithfully and truly 
performed the fame, as far as beft Information 
agreeing could be obtained, which is therefore 
judged meet for publick View: and we whofe 
names are underwritten, deputed by the Govern- 
our and Council of the Maflachufets Colony to 
perufe and licenfe the fame; have and do accord- 
ingly order it to be imprinted,’ as being of publick 
Benefit, and judge the Author to have deferved 
due Acknowledgement and Thanks for the fame. 


Bofton, March 29. oprmren Db ostbe sob 2 





1677. 
Baars Newtoy vA 
pp ily 
Licenfed, 


June 27. 1677.3 
Roger L’ Eftrange.* 


(1, 2, 3, 4.) See Notes on reéto of this leaf. 


See ee Tee eet opie s tte tote Tt ey 


THE | 


PBref{ent State 


New-England, 


NARRATIVE 


-Of the Troubles with the 
Pan Ool ANS 
IN 


NEW-ENGLAND, from the firft planting 
thereof in the year 1607, to this prefent year 1677: 
But chiefly of the late Troubles in the two laft 
years 1675 and 1676. 

To which is added a Difcourfe about the War 
with the PE 9 UODS in the year 1637. 


By W. Hubbard Minitter of [p/wich. 


And the Lord faid unto Mofes, Write this for a Memorial in a Book, and 
rehearfe it in the ears of Fofbua; for I will utterly put out the Remem- 
brance of Amelek from under heaven, Exod. 17. 14. 


LOND OTN; 


Printed for Tho. Parkburft at the Bible and Three Crowns in Cheapfide, 
near Mercers-Chappe/, and at the Bible on London-Bridge. 1677. 





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To the Honorable Joun Leveret Efg; Governour 
of the Colony of Maffachufetts ; Jostan WINsLow 
E/q ; Governour of the Colony of Plymouth ; Wi- 
LIAM Leet E/q; Governour of the Colony of Con- 
necticut.’ 


JN itrsateabie Good that i the great and 
unvaluable Good that hath in all Ages of 
the World accrued to Mankind by order 
and Government ; yet fuch is the depravednefs of 
mans Nature, and Imperfection of his Knowledge, 
that it is well hard to find out, as difficult to 
maintain fuch a Form and Order of Government 
as will prove a fufficient Fence and fecurity for fo 
great a treafure as is the common Good, and pub- 
lick Safety. After the fad and long experience of 
former ‘Times, fome have thought no Means can 
be found out fo effectual for the upholding and 
preferving the fame, with all the facred and civil 
Rights and Privileges thereunto belonging, as a 
Liberty in this Cafe for People to defign and chufe 
out from among themfelves, the Perfons that are 
to be intrufted with thofe great Concerns. What- 


6 It was neceflary, or the Hifto- 


5 Full and ample Biographies of 
rian thought it to be fo then, to 


the Governors of the three Colonies 


will be found in Eliot & Allen’s 
Didtionaries. Gov. Leet deferves 
the Gratitude of this and Ages to 
come for his Prote¢tion of the fo 


called Regicides of Charles the I, © 


and his ftern Republicanifm. See 
Stiles’s Hiffory of the Judges, 92. 


tread cautioufly upon Republcan 
Ground; nor is his Caution to be 
wondered at, when it is confidered 
that the Author wrote 200 years 
before the Principles afferted by 
Cromwell and our Fathers were 


firmly eftablifhed. 


8 The Epiftle Dedicatory. 


ever may be faid for the extolling of the Happi- 
nefs of them that have fuch an Advantage in their 
Hands, all that may be comprehended within the 
compafs of fuch Power, it is for the prefent in 
the principal and leading part thereof devolved 
upon yourfelves in all the three Colonies of New 
England; who by the choice of the free People 
in thofe your feveral Jurifdictions, are now called 
to act your feveral Parts as chief on the publick 
Stage of Government. Ever fince you have taken 
your Turnsat the Helm, there have been very 
boifterous Winds and rough Seas, threatning Ship- 
wrack of all; which notwithftanding, you need 
[ | not be difcouraged, while due Confideration 
is had, to whom, and what you have embarqued 
with you. When once the great Roman Conqueror, 
and chief Founder of their Monarchy, was paff- 
ing the Adriatick Sea in difguife, the Pilot being 
difmayed with the fiercenefs of the Winds, the 
raging of the Waves, his Paffenger pulled off his — 
Difguife, and bid him be of good courage and not 
fear, for he caried Ce@/ar, and all his Fortunes :7 
Surely Ye/us Chrift and all his Promifes, in which 

ou are not a little concerned, is a far better 
Ground of Comfort and Encouragement ina ftormy 
Seafon. Luther was wont to fay, or did once in 
a great exigent fay, that he had rather Ruere cum 
Chrifio quam flare cum Ce@far ; accounting Chrift 
a better Friend, though falling as to the World, to 


7 This apt illuftration will be found Edition 1685, “ tranflated by feveral 
in Plutarch’s Lives, vol. iv, 460-1, Hands,” 


The Epiftle Dedicatory. 9 


truft to, than Ce/ar ftanding in Power, according 
to the Word of Chrift himfelf, greater 1s he that ts 
in you, than he that is in the World; {o as all fuch 
may fay with the Prophet, Rejorce not againft me, 
O mine Enemy ; for when I fall I fhall rife; when I 
fit in Darkne/s, the Lord fhall be a Light unto me ; 
which I truft yourfelves have had fo much Expe- 
rience of, in thefe late dark Difpenfations, that if 
fometimes you have not feen, yet always you have 
believed that Light was fown for the Righteous, 
and that there fhall be a clear breaking forth of 
the Sun, after the Tempeft is over: what God 
hath planted fhall not by Man, or any of Satans 
Inftruments be plucked.up. It is with young 
Colonies as it is with ‘Trees newly planted ; which 
thofe Winds as one faith, that are not fo boifterous 
as to blow down, do fo far Advantage as to fhake 
them toa greater Faftnefs at the Root.2 The Sove- 
reign Ruler of the World doth by fuch Ways and 
Means bring about his Peoples Good, at the firft, 
not well underftood, nor eafily brooked, till the 
quiet Fruit of Righteoufnefs be difcerned to {pring 
up unto all fuch as are exercifed therein. It hath 
been no fmall Advantage that the Staff of Govern- 
ment, and the Shields of this Part of the Earth 
were put into your Hands. (Before the Boar out 


8 Refleéting upon the terrible Storm 
which has been defolating our Coun- 
try for nearly four Years, an Ob- 
ferver will comprehend the full Force 
of the Comparifon drawn in the 
Text. And if by this volcanic 
Eruption from the Bowels of Dark- 


F 


nefs we do not emerge a better and 
ftronger People, we may truly ‘¢ dif- 
pair of the Republic,” as we fhall 
deftroy the Hopet of the Enlightened 
throughout the World. 


9 Mr. Leet was not Governor 


IO The Epiftle Dedicatory. 


of the Wood hath broke into the Breach, and 
the Reftorers of Paths to dwell in, while both 
yourfelves, and thofe under your Charge and Con- 
duct, are looking unto him, who is promifed to 
be the Peace of his People, when the Affyrian 
-fhall come into their Land. 

The confideration of the Power wherewith you 
are invefted, together with the great Wifdom, 
Faithfulnefs and Courage by which it hath been 
managed by you, in your fevera]l Stations, hath 
induced me to defire that the Hiftorical Difcourfe 
enfuing might pafs into publick View under the 
Umbrage of your Protection. Ifa Reafon be de- 
manded for the | | entituling fo many Names of 
worth to the Patronage of fo fmall and inconfid- 
erable a Volume; I need no other Apology at 
this time, than I find in the Words of the Wife 
Man; there are Cafes wherein ¢wo are better than 
one, and a three-fold cord ts not eafily broken °° For 
it being like to pafs through your feveral Jurif- 
dictions, I conceived it might need a Paflport of 
fafe conduct from him that doth prefide in either 
ofthem. It carries nothing with it but Truth (as 
I hope will be found) which may well expeét to 
meet with a ready Welcom, and fuitable Enter- 
tainment in every honeft Mind; but all men are 


of Conneéticut when the War be- Proverb, when he was ordered by 
gan, but was elected in 1676, after Gen. Johnfon to lead an advance 
the death of Mr. John Winthrop.  againft the French and Indians un- 
der Gen. Diefkau. See Holmes’s 

10'The Indian Chief, Hendrick, American Annals, vol. u, page 64, 
beautifully illuftrated this ancient and Rook of the Indians, 536, : 


The Epiftle Dedicatory. II 


not fo equally balanced in their Affections as to 
bear with plain dealing, and give that harmlefs 
Dove a refting Place in their Minds for the fole 
of her Foot. Of all Writings thofe that are hif- 
torical, {pecially while the things mentioned are 
frefh in Memory, and the Actors themfelves fur- 
viving, had need be perufed with a wary Pace. 
Notwithftanding the great Care that hath been 
taken to give all and every one, any way con- 
cerned in the Subject of the Difcourfe, their juft 
due, and nothing more or lefs, yet perhaps fome 
critical Reader will not let every Sentence pafs 
without fome cenfure or other. It was once by 
a great Man accounted no {mall Offence in an 
- harmlefs Poet, that fome of his Titles were mif- 
placed as they were marfhalled up in their order: 
If any Hiftorian fhould commit an Error parallel 
thereunto, a Pardon, as it may be needed, in fuch 
a Script as is the prefent Narrative, fo may it be 
the better expected, while pafling up and down 
under the Guard of your Authority, yea though 
it fhould chance to be an Offence of an higher 
Nature; as the miftiming of fome Paflages, mif- 
taking the Diftance of fome Places, or too often 
touching upon the fame Particulars, which could 
not be well avoided in a Collection of fo many 
Occurrents too haftily drawn up, though true; 
yet unfeafonably, or out of due Time coming to 
light, without a total omiffion of fome material 
Pafflages. It was intended at the firft only as a 
.private Effay, wherein to bind up together the 


The Epiftle Dedicatory. 


the moft memorable Paffages of divine Provi- 
dence, during our late, or former Troubles with 
the Indians ; it might have remained in the Place 
where it was firft conceived and formed, or been 
fmuthered as an imperfect Embrio, not worth 

to fee the Light, if fome fuch as yourfelves had 
not both quickened the Being, and haftned the 
Birth thereof. Something of this Nature may be 
of ufe to Pofterity, as well as to thofe of the pre- 
fent Generation, to help them both to call to 
their Mind, and carry along the Memory of fuch 
eminent Deliverances, and {pecial Prefervations 
granted by divine Favour to the People here; as 
_it was of old commanded of God himfelf, that a 
Regifter fhould be kept of thofe Wars, which in 
oppofition to others, were ina peculiar |__| man- 
ner to be called The Wars of the Lord; and fuch 
as thefe here treated of, if any, fince miraculous 
Deliverances have ceafed, may truly be faid to 
deferve that Title."' If it had fallen into fome 
abler Hand, it might have been fet forth with 
better choice of Words, and more fit Expreffions, 
that might have left a deeper Impreffion on the 
Minds of thofe who are moft concerned to retain 
it; however it being now likely to be brought to 
publick View, I have prefumed to offer it to your- 


12 


11 Mr. Hubbard was too much 
in advance of his Age to be a firm 
Believer in ‘* Miraculous Deliver- 
ances;” hence he refers ta the 
. Subject very delicately. And we 
may reafonably conclude that his 


Endorfement of the Cafes of Con- 
fcience was obtained under Cir- 
cumitances unfavorable to a full 
Knowledge of their Import. See 
the New Edition of Mather’s Re- 
lation, Introduction, p. xxii. ; 


The Epiftle Dedicatory. 13 


felves, as on the Accounts forementioned, fo alfo 
as a teftimony of my thankful and deferved ac- 
knowledgement of that Wifdom and Integrity 
abundantly fhown forth in the Adminiftration of 
your Authority. 

Much Honored and Honorable, I have nothing 
more to add, but the engagement of my continual 
and daily Prayers to the God of the Spirits of all 
flefh, that he would carry youthrough all Troubles, 
Difficulties and Trials you may be conflicting with, 
whether perfonal or political; and that he would 
blefs your Councels at Home; profper your En- 
terprizes abroad, and long continue your Lives in 
the prefent Generation, for his own Glory and his 
peoples Good; that after you have ferved your 
Generation here, your Memory like that of the 
juft, may be bleffed, and that you may have Peace 
as the Inheritance of the remaining Ifrael of God 
in thefe Ends of the Earth: which is, and {hall 
be the earneft with, and conftant defire of 

Your moft humble and 

Devoted Servant, 

From my Study, 


L6th 12.1676." $V; tam fhefhor 


12Tt fhould be remembered, that Year. Hence the above date, ac- 
in the Calendar of that time, Feb- cording to our prefent ufage, is 
ruary was the laft month of the February 16th, 1677, 


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An Advertifement to the 


hae Ro: 


HE following hiftorical Effay, was, when firft 

drawn up, intended only for the Satisfaction of a 
private Friend, and not for the Use of the Publick ; 
therefore hope I may be excufed, if I fall fhort there- 
in of that Exattne/s, which might be expected from 
one that defignedly undertook a Work of this Nature: 
however trufting more to the fudgment of fome who 
have accidentally had the Perufal thereof, than mine 
own, I am not unwilling that others fhould recetve 
Benefit thereby. The Compiler of an Hiftory can 
challenge little to himfelf but methodizing the Work, 
the Materials being found ready to his Hand; Diligence 
in gathering them together, and Faithfulne/s in im- 
proving them, 1s all that 1s upon point required of 
him ; in both which I have endeavoured to make good 
what the Profeffion I have now taken up obliges me 
unto.. The Matter of Fact therein related (being 
rather Maffacres, barbarous inhumane Outrages, than 
Aéts of Hoftility, or valiant Atchievements) no more 
deferxe the Name of a War than the Report of them 
the Title of an Hiftory,'3 therefore I contented myfelf 


13'This may refer to Dr. I. the Indians from time to time as 
‘Mather’s Brief Hiftory of Philip’s Armies, but he gives good Authority 
War, in which he fpeaks of the for its Ufe. See Hi/?. King Philip’s 
{mall numbers of Men fent againit War, 166, 211. 


16 To the Reader. 


with a Narrative. Much of what 1s therein men- 
tioned, depending on the jingle Authority of particular 
Perfons, an exact Defcription of every Occurrent was 
hardly to be obtained: All Soldiers are not like 
Cefar, able to defcribe with their Pens, what they 
have done with their Swords: But the moft material 
Paffages inferted, were either gathered out of the 
Letters, or taken from the Mouths of fuch as were eye 
or ear Witneffes of the things themfelves ; and thofe 
alfo Perfons worthy of Credit. In fuch Paffages as 
were varioufly reported by the Actors, or Spectators, 
that which feemedmoft probable 1s onlyinferted. If any 
Errour be committed about the Scituation or Diftance 
of Places, it may deferve an Excufe rather than a 
Cenfure: For our Soldiersin the Purfutt of their Ene- 
mies being drawn into many defert Places, inacceffible 
Woods, and unknown Paths, which no Geographer’s 
Hand ever meafured, fcarce any Vultures Eye had ever 
Seen, there was a Neceffity totake up many Things in 
Reference thereunto upon no better Credit fometimes 
than common Report. One or two Paffages need a 
more particular Excufe, or at leaft Explication: As 
where it is faid, p. 2, That the firft Colony was 
fent hither Anno 1605, The Miftake ts eaftly helped, 
by minding the Reader that the Patent or Commiffion 
was that Year granted, when alfo Capt. Henry Chal- 
Jons was fent over upon fome further Difcovery of the 
Country, before the Adventurers | | would 
hazard a greater Charge: Soonafter the Departure 
of the faid Challons the fame Year Sir John Pop- 
ham, one of the principal Vndertakers, [ent out 


To the Reader. 17 


another Ship to fecond him under the Command of 
Capt. Haman, Martin Prin of Briftow' deimg 
Mafter, who not finding Challons (for he mifcarried 
in his Defign, being ferzed hy fome Strangers in the 
way) yet returning with good News, the next Year 
they fent out two Ships with an hundred Men,with 
Ordnance and other Provifion, under the Conduct of 
Capt. George Popham, and Capt. Rawley Gilbert, 
who built a Fort in fome place about Sa-ga-de-hoch, 
called St. Georges Fort, the Ruines of which are re- 
maining to this Day, as fome fay. Probably other 
like Miftakes may be obferved, in defcribing the Bounds 
and Dimenfions of fome of the Patents, and Grants of 
Land belonging to the other Colonies ; but an Hiftorian 
being no Pretorian “fudg, his Report cannot prejudice 
any peoples “furifdiction, or perfons Propriety. 
Further alfo where it is faid p. 7, That the Indians 
had lived peaceably with the Englifh here near 
forty Years, ever fince the Peguod War ; it is to be 
under ftood with reference to publick A€ts of Hoftil- 
ity ; for particular Mifchiefs have been committed by 
Several Indians in_fome parts of the Country, but the 
Aétors were not abetted therein by any of thetr Coun- 
try men 35 As at Nantucket, an Ifland to the Eaft- 
ward of Cape Cod, when in the End of the Year 


15Tt would not be difficult to 
enumerate many cafes of the kind 
here referred to. Some will be 


14 Briftol, In early Times writ- , 
ten as above, but not often as late 
as our Author’s Time. In Hakluyt’s 


Voyages it isalways Briftow, fo far 
as I remember. Prin’s name is 
written with yariation, as Prinn, 


Pring, &c. . 
G 


found detailed in the Book of the 
Indians. ‘The Author again refers 
to the Subjeét of “-private Mur- 
ders,” as will be feen onward. 


18 To the Reader. 


1664, fome Villanous Indians murthered fome that 
Suffered Shipwreck upon that Ifland, yet “fuftice was 
done upon two or three of the chief Adtors.*° In like 
Manner within a few Years after the Pequod Wars, 
Mrs. Hutchinfon’? was killed by the Indians near 
a Dutch Plantation; ahout which time fome other 
Infolencies of like Nature were aéted by the Indians 
Southward, either upon Long-Miland, or in fome Place 
within New-haven Colony. Alfoa Murther was 
committed at Farmington," another at Woburn,’9 
by fome Indians im their drunken Humour, upon a 
Maid-fervant or two, who denied them Drink. All 
which hinder not the Truth of what is affirmed in the 
Narrative, Juch Murthers being too frequently com- 
mitted in the moft peaceable Places in the World. 
Such Errours as are the forementioned, being over- 
looked by the Candid Reader, it 1s prefumed there will 
not be many other Faults to be complained of, unle/s 


16'There is a Hiftory of Nan- 
tucket, and one might reafonably 
expect to find in it fomething ex- 
planatory of this Affair. But there 
is nothing. ‘The Author evidently 
thought a Hiftory of Whales and 
how to catch them of more impor- 
tance than what concerned the In- 
dians. 


17'The melancholy Fate of that 
unfortunate Lady and her Family 
appears to have been early known 
in Maffachufetts, while the full 
particulars of it have but recently 
appeared. ‘Thefe lay locked up in 
the Dutch Records, in the form of 


Depofitions, but have within a few 
Months: been tranflated and pub- 
lifhed by Dr. E. B. O’Callaghan, 
of Albany, to whom we are in 
other Refpeéts much indebted. 


18'The Murder and Arfon at 
Farmington was a far more horrid 
Affair than the cafual Notice in the 
Text would lead us to fuppofe. 
For the Particulars see Porter’s 
Hift. Farmington, 31, and Col. 
ReemCr, i, 294. 


19 See the O/d Indian Chronicle, 
136-7, and Book of the Indians, 


698-9. 


To the Reader. ae) 


Juch as are merely Typographical ; or elfe were occa- 
fioned by the dropping in of particular Paffages, after 
the whole was drawn up, which I was willing to in- 
Jert, although it occafioned the Difcourfe in fome Places 
to he a little more confufed than elfe would have been. 
If ever the Matter require another Edition, more ac- 
curatene/s may be obferved. If thofe into whofe 
Hands thefe fhall happen to come, find any Satisfaction 
about the Occurents that have here fallen out, the 
Publifher fhall account his Pains well beftowed. 












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To the Rev’? Mr. William Hubbard ox his 
moft exatt Haiftory of New-Englands 
Troubles. 


hen thy rare Piece unto my View once came, 
It made my Mufe that erft did fmoke, to flame: 
Raifing my Fancy fo fublime, that I | 
That famous forked Mountain did efpy ; 
Thence in an Extacie I foftly fell 
Down near unto the Helliconian Well ; 
Where Poetry, in Profe, made I did fee 
By a Mercurian Brain, which fure was Thee ; 
Such is thy modeft Stile, enriched with Sence, 
Invention fine, faced with Eloquence: 
Thy florid Language quaintly doth exprefs 
The Truth of Matter in a comely drefs ; 
Couching the Sence in fuch a pleafing Strain 
As Makes the Readers Heart to leap. again: 
And {weetly draws him like thofe Lotteries 
Which never mifs but always win the Prize. 
But whither roves my Mufe? What can be done 
By’m that augments the Sea, or lights the Sun? 
Go on brave Worthy, and let thefe Effaies, 
Like fair Aurora ufher in the Raies 
Of a Refulgent Sun arifing clear, 
Hence to illuminate our Hemifphere ; 
That th’after Ages may extol the High-One 
For’s Loving Kindnefs to our little Sion: 
And may our Senatours with due Regard, 
Thefe and thy future Labours all reward ; 
Though not in full, yet fuch Encouragement 


22 


As may in them be juft, to thee content ; 

For th’ prefent Age, and thofe that fhall enfue, 

Will be perpetual Debtors unto you. 

Fame fhall with Honour crown thee; and we'll raife 
Thy lafting Monument in Groves of Bays. 

Heaven blefs thee in thy Work, and may Succefs 
Attend thee here, hereafter, Happinefs. 


20T am not aware of any pofi- 
tive Evidence for whom thefe Ini- 
tials ftand. Once, in a Converfa- 
tion with Mr. John Farmer, that An- 
tiquary exprefled the Opinion that 
they ftood for John Sherman, a very 
noted and learned Puritan of the 
‘Time of our Author, and Inhabitant 
of Watertown. If the Conjecture 
be correct, it proves that a great 
Mathematician did fometimes try to 
write Poetry. Judge John Davis 
fuppofed that the Lines on Mitchell 
in Morton’s Memorial alfo ftand 
for the fame Perfon. It may be fo, 
but Verfes more unlike it would be 
difficult to find. John Sherman is 
accounted the Anceftor of the dif- 
tinguifhed Roger Sherman of ‘Con- 


J. $.2° 


necticut, a Signer of the Declaration 
of Independence, Senator of the 
United States, &c. It may be 
found that the prefent Gen. Sher- 
man is alfoa Defcendant. One of 
the moft amufing and charaé¢teriftic 
Articles on John Sherman will+be 
found in Savage’s Dictionary. ‘That 
** Volcanic” Genealogift riots in 
the terrible Havoc he makes in his 
repeated onflaughts upon poor non- 
refiftant Cotton Mather. Even 
after there feems to be nothing left 
of his unfortunate Ezemy, he re- 
turns to the Charge with renewed 
Vigor and newer and heavier Ord- 
nance. After which, like his great 
Prototype, he muft have wept for 
other fields of Conqueft. 





Upon the elaborate Survey of New-Eng- 
lands Paffions from the Natives, By the 


tmpartial Pen of 


that Worthy Divine 


Mr. William Hubbard. 


A 


Countries Thanks with Garlands ready lye 
To wreath the Brows of your Divinity, 


Renowned Sir: to Write the Churches War 
In ancient times, fell to the Prophets fhare. 
New-Englands Chronicles are to be had 

From Nathans Pen, or Manutcript of Gad. 
Purchafe?! wrote much, Hacluyi?? traverfed far, 
Smith and Dutch ‘ohn de Laet?3 famous are: 
Martyr>4 with learn’d 4coffa?s thoufands too, 


21 Purchas, it is believed, never 
added an ¢ to his Name. At leaft 
he did not when he publifhed his 
Pilgrimage in 1613, his Pil 
grimes in 1624, or his Theatre 
of Politicall Flying Infe&s in 
Peay. 


22 Should be written Hak/uyt. 
I have feen feveral original Letters 
of his, all figned as printed to his 

Works. 


23 A brief Note on ** Dutch John 
de Laet” will be found in the new 
Edition of Mathers Relation, 
p. 42. 


21 Peter Martyr, a Native of 
Angleria, was contemporary with 
Columbus, and was probably ftim- 


ulated by his Difcoveries to con- 
nect his Name with them as their 
Hiftorian. His principal Work, or 
that by which he is beft known to 
us, is that entitled Decades of the 
New World. It was written in 
Latin, tranflated by Michael Lok, 
and publifhed by Richard Hakluyt, 
in {mall quarto, black letter, 1612. 
It was reprinted in the Supplement- 
ary Volume of Hakluyt’s Voyages, 
1812, 4to. 


25 Jofeph Acofta, a Peruvian 
Jefuit, was born at Medina-del- 
Carpo, died at Salamanca in 1600, 
aged about 60. He wrote the 
Natural and Moral Hiftory of 
the Weft Indies, publifhed in Spanifh, 
in 1591, in French, 1600, and in 
Englifh, in a neat {mall 4to, 1604. 


24. 


Here’s Novelties and Stile which all out-do, 

Wrote by exacter Hand than ever took 

Hiftorians Pen fince Europe we forfook. 

I took your Mufe for old Columbus Ghoft, 

Who fcrap’d acquaintance with this Weftern Coaft. 
But in converfe fome Pages I might find, 

Than all Columbus Gemms, a brighter Mind. 

Former Adventurers did at beft beguile, 

About thefe Natives Rife (obfcure as Ni/e) 

Their grand Apoftle writes of their Return; — . 
William’ s?® their Language; Hubbard how they burn, 
Rob, Kill and Roaft, Lead Captive, Slay, Blafpheme ; 
Of Englifh Valour too he makes his Theme, 

Whofe Tragical Account may Chriftened be, 
New-Englands Travels through the Bloody Sea. 

Drake? gat renown by creeping round the Old; 

To Treat of this New World our Author’s bold. 


Names uncouth which ne’r Minf/hew?8 could reduce 


26 Roger Williams, Of this re- 
markable Man feveral Volumes of 
Biography have been written. Dr. 
Romeo Elton has the honor of 
being the Difcoverer of his Place 
of Nativity and Parentage. His 
Life by the Rev. J. D. Knowles is 
little more than a valuable Collec- 
tion of Materials, while the Volume 
by Prof. Gammel is a well ar- 
ranged and fyftematic Biography. 
A fhallow Attempt was made {fev- 
eral years ago to circulate an old 
Portrait of Dr. Franklin as a copy 
of a newly difcovered Painting of 
the Founder of Rhode-Ifland. ‘The 
Trick was detected and expofed at 
the time by the Editor. 


27Of the Firft great Englifh 


Circumnavigator, there is not, to 
this day, a Biography at all worthy 
of the Subjeét. The Editor has 
for many years intended to prepare 
a Work on the Life and Times of 
the Admiral, and has an Amount of 
Materials for the Work, from un- 
publifhed Sources, of extraordinary 
Value, collected in the Britifh Ar- 
chives, during a Refidence in ]‘ng- 
land. He yet hopes to carry out 
his Defign. 


2° We look in vain into the or- 
dinary Biographical Dictionaries for 
a Notice of the Man, who early in 
the feventeenth Century compiled 
a Lexicon in nine Languages, and 
which was publifhed in London in 
1617, in folio. A fecond Edition 


25 


By’s Polyglotton to the vulgar Ufe. 

Unheard of Places, like fome New-Atlantis: 
Before in Fancy only, now New/landis : 
New-found and fubtile Stratagems of War, 

We can quaint E/ton?9 and brave Bariffe3° {pare: 
New Difcipline and Charges of Command 

Are cloath’d in Judian by this Englith Hand. 


Moxon3! who drew two Globes, or whofoere, 


was iffied in 1625. In 1623, he 
enlarged Richard Percivale’sSpanifh 
and Englifh Didtionary, a folio. 
Alfo in the fame Year he publifhed 
an augmented Edition of the fame 
Author’s Grammar. Of the Birth- 
place or Time of Demife of John 


Minfhew we are ignorant. 


29 All I can learn of this Indi- 
vidual is, that he was Lieut. Col. 
Richard Elton, and that, in 1650, 
he publifhed 4 Compleate Body of 
the Military Arts and Gunnery, in 
a ftately Folio Volume. 


30 Lieut. Col. William Barriffe 
publifhed his fourth Edition Mz/z- 
tarie Difcipline: Or the Young Ar- 
tillery-Man, in 1643, 4to., accom- 
panied by his Vera Effgies. 
On this Picture he fays he is 
<¢ FEtatis {ve 42.” Whether this 
«< Effigies ”’ accompanied the ear- 
lier Editions with the fame In- 
{cription (as is often the Cafe with 
Engravings of our Times) is not 
known. The firft Edition was 
publifhed in 1639. ‘The Work is 
dedicated, in the pompous Stile of 
that Day, “'To the Right Honour- 
able Algernon, Earl of Northum- 


H 


berland,” and ‘* To the Right 
Worfhipfull, Sir Ralph  Bofvile, 
Knight,” not forgetting ‘* All the 
Worthy Collonels ; Lieutenant Col- 
lonels, Majors, and Captaines of 
the City of London. Efpecially 
unto thofe that are and continue 
Members of the Artillery-Garden.” 
At this Time the “ Right Worfhip- 
full Phillip Skippon, Efq.,” was 
“* Sergeant Major General of all 
the Forces of London, and Captain 
of that Ancient and Worthy So- 
ciety exercifing Armes in the Ar- 
tillery-Garden.” It is worthy of 
note that the celebrated Owen 
Rowe was then an Officer in the 


‘‘ Garden.’’—See Hi/?. and Antigs., 
Bofton, 193-4. 


31 Jofeph Moxon, an Englifh 
Mathematician and Aftronomer, 
was a native of Wakefield, born 
8 Auguft, 1627. His Globes were 
an Improvement over preceding 
ones. His work on <A/fronomy 
and the Ufe of the Globes, is ded- 
icated to the ‘‘ Right Honourable; 
Roger, Earl of Caftlemain,” to 
whom he accords the ‘* Moft Ex- 
cellent Invention of the Englifh 
Globe.” In his Preface he fays 


26 


Muft make a third, or elfe the old ones tear, 
To find a Room for thy new Map, by which 
Thy Friends and Country all thou doft enrich. 


Gratitudinis ergo appofutt. 
B 


~ California is found to be an Ifland, 
though formerly fuppofed to bea 
part of the Main Continent.” The 
fourth Edition of his Work is now 
before me, printed in 1686, in 
quarto, accompanied by the Au- 
thor’s Portrait. He died about 
1700, 


32T believe it has never been 
queftioned that thofe Initials ftand 


Rea 


‘for the diftinguifhed Mathematician, 


Poet and Schoolmafter, Benjamin 
Tompfon. He was a fon of the 
Rev. William Tompfon of Brain- 
tree, born 14 July, 1642, died 13 
April, 1714; was a Graduate of 
H. C., 1662. <A Pedigree of the 
Family will be feen in the N. £. 
Hift. Gen. Regiffer, Xv, 112-116.— 
See alfo Duyckinck’s Cyclopedia of 
American Literature. 





[fr] A 
NARRATIVE 
TROUBLES 


WITH THE 


PN DIAN'S 


NEW-ENGLAWND, 


From the firft Planting thereof to the prefent Time. 


NOWN unto God are all his 
Works from the Foundation of 
the World, though manifeft to 
us only by the Events of 'Time, 
that fruitful Mother of all 
Things, which in the former 
Age did bring forth, at leaft 
did bring to Light the Know- 
ledg of this Weftern World, called America,33 
that in all foregoing Times and Ages, lay hid 





“2 That a few Words from the tion. It is doubtful if the Robert- 
brilliant Pe sof our Author upon fons and Irvings would have been 
Columbus, would have been highly more eloquent, or thofe in any other 
valued at this Day, no one will quef- Language. 


28 A Narrative of the Troubles [2 


in this obfcure and remote Region, covered with 
a Vail of Ignorance, and locked up from the 
Knowledg of all the reft of the Inhabitants of the 
Earth.3+ ‘To whom the Honour of its Inveftiga- 
tion doth of Right more properly belong, is fufh-- 
ciently declared by the Hiftory and Reports of 
fuch as were Eye-witnefles thereof, and not in- 
tended to be any Part of the prefent Difquifition. 
The moft confiderable Part of all the north Side 
of America is called New-England.35 In the fer- 
tility of the Soil, falubrioufnefs of the Air, and 
many other commodious Advantages, moft re- 
fembling the Country from whence it borrowed 
its Appellation. For the Knowledg thereof the 
World is moft beholding to the Difcoveries of the 
Englfb under the Conduct of Seba/tion Cabbot a 


famous Porteguez.3° | 2| 


about the year 1497: 


though fince much perfected by the Induftry and 


34 Tf the Author had ever heard 
any of the Stories of the Difcoveries 
of. the Northmen along our Coatt, 
and of their building Stone Mills 
on Rhode Ifland, fcratching un- 
couth Figures on a Rock in Dighton 
River or elfewhere,-he does not feem 
to have deemed them worthy of 
Notice. 


35 Capt. John Smith tells us how 
the Country became to be fo named. 
See his De/cription of N. England, 
in his Generall Hifforie, ii, 179. 


36 The real birth-place of Sebaf- 
tian Cabot. was for a long time in 
doubt. It is now well fettled that 


he was born in Briftol, England. 
His father, John Cabot, was a Ve- 
nitian, who fettled in Brifto] in the 
time of Edward the Fourth, and was 
a Merchant of great Enterprife. In 
1497, he undertook a Voyage of 
Difcovery towards the. Weft, and 
was the firft to fee the Continent of 
North America. Sebaftian accom- 
panied his Father in this Voyage, and 
afterwards made feveral other Voy- 
ages to America himfelf, ranging far 
along the Coaft. According to the 
Statement of his Age at the ‘Time of 
his Death in 1557, he was born in 
the year 1477. See Dthbie’s Life 
of Cabot. 


2| with the Indians in N ew-England. 29 


travels of Captain Go/no/d, Captain Hud/on,37 Cap- 
tain Smzth,3® and others of the Enghj/h Nation. 
North America, this pofthumous Birth of 'Time, is 
as to its Nativity, of the fame Standing with her 
two elder Sifters, Peru and Mexico; yet was fuf- 
fered to lie in its Swadling-cloaths one whole 
Century of Years.39 Nature having promifed no 
fuch Dowry of rich Mines of Silver and Gold to 
them that would efpoufe her for their own, as fhe 
did unto the other two, which poffibly was the 
Reafon why fhe was not fo haftily deflowered by 
her firft Difcoverers, nor yet fo early courted by any 
of the Princes of Europe, lying wholly neglected 
as it were, untill a fmall Company of Planters, 
under the command of Captain George Popham, 
and Captain Gz/bert, were fent over at the Charge 
of Sir ‘Fohu Popham in the year 1606,*° to begin 
a Colony upon a Tract of Land about Saga de hoch,* 


37 Henry Hudfon was one of 
thofe enterprifing Englifh Naviga- 
tors whom the Achievements of 
Drake had ftimulated to emulate his 
Glory. After exploring the great 
Northern Sea bearing his Name, he 
failed in the Service of the Dutch, 
and difcovered the noble River juftly 
_ named for him, though now oftener 
called the North River. ‘There is 
a Portrait, faid to be of him, in the 
City Hall, New York. 


3\The Difcoveries and Adven- 
ventures of Capt. John Smith are 
too well known to require {pecial 
Notice here. 


39 From the Difcovery by Co- 


lumbus in 1492, to the coming of 
Gofnold in 1602, are 110 Years. 

For fome new Inveftigations re- 

fpecting Gofnold’s Voyage, and the 

Point on the Coaft at which he ar- 

rived, fee Hi/?. and Antigs. of Bof- 
ton, 12. 


40Some Explanation regarding 
this Date will be found in the Au- 
thor's Preface. 


41 Now Sugadahock.- Refpecting 
the Colony attempted to be eftab- 
lifhed there, the Reader will find 
much Information in the Memoriai 
Volume of the Popham Celebration, 
publifhed in 1863. 


30 «© A Narrative of the Troubles [2 


{cituate on the fouth-fide of the River of Kenmi- 
beck, and about that called Shzp/cot River, about 
twenty Miles fouth-weft from Pemmaquid, the 
moft northerly Bound of all New-England.* But 
that defign within two years expiring with its 
firft Founder; foon after fome honorable perfons 
of the weft of England, commonly called the 
Council of Plimouth, being more certainly inform- 
ed of feveral navigable Rivers, and commodious 
Havens, with other Places fit either for Traffick or 
Planting, newly difcovered by many fkilful Navi- 
gators, obtained a Grant by Patent, under the 
great Seal from King “fames of blefled Memory, 
of all that Part of North America, called New 
England, from the 40 to the 48 gr. of North Lati- 
tude. From which grand and original Patent, all 
other Charters and Grants of Land from Pemma- 
guid to Delaware Bay, along the Sea-coatt, derive 
their Leinage and Pedigree. Thus was that vatt 
Tract of Land, after the year 1612. cantoned and 
parceled out into many leffer Divifions and Parcels, 
according as Adventurers prefented ;43 which faid 
Grants being founded upon uncertain, or falfe 
Defcriptions, and Reports of fome that travelled 


42 The French claimed all north- 
eafterly of Pemmaquid, and all the 
inland Country from the Penobfcot 
to the Spanifh Poffeffions in the 


fouth-weft, faving a narrow Strip on 


covery. See Sanfon’s Geography, 
as publifhed by Richard Blome, | 
1680, p. 429. 


43 A Map, made in 1625, with 


the Sea-coaft, actually poffeffed by 
the Englifh, and that at beft, was 
difputed Territory, both Nations 
claiming it by Right of prior Dif- 


the Names of the Proprietors there- 
on, illuftrates this Paflage. Copies 
of it accompany the Founders of 
New England. 


3| with the Indians in New-England. 31 


thither, did many of them interfere one upon 
another, to the great Difturbance of the firrft 
Planters, and prejudice of the Proprietors them- 
felves, as is too well known by any that have had 
Occafion to ftay never fo little amongit them, 
many of whom are yet furviving. For notwith- 
{ftanding the great Charge and vaft Expenfes the 
firft Adventurers were at, the firft Proprietors of 
the whole Province of Mayne and others (reach- 
ing from the Head of Ca/co Bay North-eatt to 
the Mouth of Pa/catagua River about fixty Miles 
weftward) and the Hopes they might have con- 
ceived of being the firft Founders of New Colonies, 
and of enlarging their Eftates and Inheritances 
by thefe new acquired Poffeffions and Lordthips, 
there was little Profit reaped from |3] thence 
after the rich Fleeces of Beaver were gleaned 
away, nor any great Improvement made of thofe 
large Portions of Lands, fave the erecting of fome 
few Cottages for Ea eieny and a few inconfid- 
erable Buildings for the Planters, which were on 
thofe Occafions drawn over the Sea, to fettle upon 
the moft northerly Parts of New-England. 

But whether it were by the Imprudence of the 
firftt Adventurers, or the Diffolutenefs of the Per- 
fons they fent over to manage their Affairs, or 


44 So called, “‘ by way of a Com- 
pliment to the Queen of Charles I, 
who owned, as her private Eftate, 
the Dee of Meyne, in France, 
now called the Province of Maine.” 


Sullivan’s Hi/?. Maine, 307. ‘The 


Wife of Charles was Henrietta, a 
Daughter of Henry IV, of France. 
It was firft called Maine in the 
Charter or Grant of that Part of 
New-Englaud to Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, dated April 3, 1639. 


32 A Narrative of the Troubles [3 


whither want of Faithfullnefs or Skill to manage 
their Truft, they were by Degrees in a manner 
quite deftitute almoft of Laws and Government, 
and left to fhift for themfelves, by which Means 
at laft they fell under the Jurifdiction of the 
Maffachufets-Colony, not by Ufurpation, as is by 
great Miftake fuggefted to his Maefly, but by 
Neceffity, and the earneft Defire of the Planters 
themfelves ;45 to accept of whom, thofe of the 
Maffachufets Colony were the moft eafily induced, 
in that they apprehended the Bounds of their 
own Patent, by a favorable Interpretation of the 
Words defcribing the northern Line (three Miles 
beyond the moft northerly Branch of Merzmack 
River) do reach fomewhat beyond Pemmaquid, the 
moft northerly Place of all New England.*° 

This was the firft Beginning of Things in New 
England, at which Time they were not unlike 
the Times of old, when the People of ‘fudah were 
{aid to be without a teaching Prieft, and without 
Law; and no wonder Things were no more fuc- 
cefsfully carried on. 

In the Year 1620, a Company belonging to Mr. 
Robinfons Church at Leyden in Holland, although 
they had been courteoufly entertained by the 
Dutch, as Strangers fojourning amongft them, yet 
forefeeing many Inconveniences like to increafe, 


45 The Troubles alluded to here 46 That indeed was a Flight of 
are pretty fully difcuffed in Belknap’s Imagination fimilar to what poffeffed 
Hificry of New Hampfbire, and the fouthern Slave-owners, which 
in other Works on our early Hif- hurried them to their own Deftruc- 
tory. tion. 


2 | with the Indians in N ew-England, 33 


and that they could not fo well provide for the 
Good of their Pofterity under the Government 
of a forreign Nation: they refolved to intreat fo 
much Favour from their own Sovereign Prince, 
King Fames, to grant them Liberty under the 
Shelter of his Royal Authority, to place them- 
felves in fome Part of New-England, and |then| 
newly difcovered ;#7 therefore having obtained 
fome Kind of Patent or Grant, for fome Place 
about Hudfon’s River, they fet fail from Ps- 
mouth in September* for the fouthern Parts of 
New England; but as they intended to bend their 
Courfe thitherward, per varios cafus, per tot dif- 
crimina rerum ; they were at laft caft upon a Bo- 
fom of the South Cape of the Ma/fachufets Bay, 
called Cape Cod, about the 11th of November,+9 
from whence the Winter fo faft approaching, 
they had no Opportunity to remove; and finding 
fome Incouragement from the Hopefulnefs of the 


Soil, and Courtefies° of the Heathen, they refolyed 


47 All that could be obtained of 49'They made the Land of the 


the bigotted and fuperftitious James, 
amounted only to an equivocal Pro- 
mife of Connivance; or, in other 
Words, that he would not molett 
them in their Religion unlefs he faw 
fitat any ‘Time to change his Mind. 
By a moft extraordinary Piece of 
Jugglery he had been made to fuc- 
ceed Elizabeth, to the great Misfor- 
tune of the Proteftant World. See 
Memoirs of Robert Carey, Earl of 
Monmouth, 139-140. 


43 Plymouth, in Devonfhire. They 
failed thence Sept. 6th, 1620. 


I 


Cape, Nov. gth. Onthe 11th they 
figned the memorable Compaét, or 
Conftitution, on board the May- 
flower, and juft one Month later 
the whole Company were ready to 
leave the Ship, which is the Day fince 
celebrated as FORE-FATHERS’ 
DAY, or the Day of the LAND- 
ING OF THE PILGRIMS. 


50 The Indians avoided all Inter- 
courfe with them for nearly three 
Months; meantime giving feveral 
unmiftakable Intimations of their 


Hoftility. But on the 16th of March, 


34 A Narrative of the Troubles [ 4 


there to make their Abode for the Future, which 
they did, laying the Foundation for a new 
Col [4] ony, which from the Remembrance of 
the laft Town in England they failed from, they 
called New-Plmouth, containing no very confid- 
erable Tract of Land, {carce extending an hun- 
dred Miles in Length through the whole Cape, 
and fcarce half fo much in Breadth where it is 
broadeft. The firft Founders of that Colony 
aiming more at Religion than earthly Poffeffions, 
afpiring not to any large Dimenfions of Land, in 


their fettling upon thofe Coatts.5* 
At Weymouth alfo was a Plantation begun by 
Mr. Wefton in the Year 1622, but it came to 


1621, an Indian named Samo/et, 
came fearlefily into Plymouth, wel- 
coming the People in their own 
Language. This Indian had lived 
with the Englifh and had learned fo 
much of their Tongue as enabled 
him to be underftood by them. See 
Mather’s Re/ation, 68. 


51 Information concerning the 
Settlement of Plymouth in our Au- 
thors ‘Time was {canty and general. 
Nathaniel Morton had printed his 
N. Englana’s Memorial eight Years 
before, and feveral 'Tra¢ts of great 
Value had been publifhed in Eng- 
land, written by the Pilgrims them- 
felves; but if Mr. Hubbard pof- 
feffed thefe, they were not required 
in his prefent Purpofe. The Hiftory 
of Plymouth is yet to be written, 
and I am happy to be able to ftate, 


that fuch a Work is in the Hands 
of the Rev. Henry M Dexter, who 
brings to the ‘Tafk all the requifite 
Ability and Induftry, neceflary to 
its fuccefsful Accomplifhment. 
Every Item of Information rela- 
tive to the Pilgrims is of intenfe In- 
tereft to thoufands, and it is to be 
hoped that Englifh Local Hiftorians 
will ere long recognize the Import- 
ance of Inveftigations refpecting 
thofe who have left their Shores for 
this Hemifphere. ‘This Remark is 
elicited by a Paflage in a recent 
Work—The Hiftory and Antiquities 
of the Parife of Blyth; which in- 
cludes AusrerrigLp, where Gov. 
Bradford was born. On its Bap- 
tifmal Regifter, the Author (the 
Rev. John Raines) finds that of 
William Bradford, ‘March 19, 
1560." 


4.| with the Indians in New-England. 35 


little.5* The North and South Border of Ma/a- 
chufets Bay being thus planted, the middle Part 
was the more eafie to be filled up, which thus 
was brought about. Some Gentlemen and others, 
obferving how it fared with thofe of New-Ps- 
mouth, were defiring upon the like Ground to 
make the fame Attempt for themfelves; where- 
fore having by a confiderable Sum of Money pur- 
chafed of fome Gentlemen that had a Grant of 
the Council of Plymouth, all their Right and 
Intereft in a Plantation then begun in the Ma/a- 
chufets Bay ; and having attained a Confirmation 
thereof by Patent from King Charles of famous 
Memory, in the Year 1628, they fent over a 
Governours3 with feveral Perfons to lay fome 
Foundation of another Colony in the Mu/ffachu- 
Wemabays “and in the:+Year’1630, more of the 
Perfons interefted in the faid Patent (thence com- 
monly called Patentees) with feveral other Per- 
fons, intending to venture their Lives and all with 
them, tranfported themfelves and their Families 
into the faid Ma/ffachusets, who did in a fhort 
Space of Time by the Acceflion of many hun- 
dreds, who every Year flocked after them, make 
fuch Increafe, that in the Space of five or fix 
Years, there were twenty confiderable Towns 
built and peopled, and many of the Towns firft 
planted, became filled with Inhabitants, that like 


52In the Hiffory and Antiquities nate Enterprife. 
of Bofton, 1 have given all I could 53John Endicott, whom fome 
find relative to the Origin and 'Ter- have pretended was not Governor 
mination of Mr, Welfton’s unfortu- at this Period! 


36 A Narrative of the Troubles [5 


Swarms of Bees they were ready to fwarm, not 
only into new Plantations, but into new Colonies: 
infomuch that in the Year 1635, a new Colony 
began to be planted upon Connecticut River, partly 
by the Intereft of a Patent purchafed of that 
honourable Gentleman Mr. Fennick,5+ Agent for 
the Lord Sey5s and Lord Brook,5° the Lord Pro- 
prietors of the faid River Connecticut ; at the Mouth 
of which they had built a Fort (called after their 
own Titles Sey Brook Fort) commanding the Paf- 
fage of the faid River. Yea fuch was the Con- 
fluence of People making over into thofe Parts, 
that in the Year 1638, a fourth Colony began to 
be planted, bearing the Name of Newhaven from 
the firft Town erected therein, feated near the 
Midway betwixt Hud/ons River and that of Con- 
necticut. ‘The Sea coaft from [5] the Pitch of 
Cape Cod to the Mouth of Connecticut River, in- 
habited by feveral Nations of Indians, Wompanoogs 
(the firft Authors of the prefent Rebellion) Nar- 
baganfs ts, Pequods, Mohegins, as the more inland 


54 George Fenwick. He came 
to New England in 1636, and be- 
gan the Settlement at the Mouth of 
the Connecticut, which he named 
Say Brook. He died in 1657. His 
Wife was buried there, and an elabo- 
rate Monument with an Infcription 
upon it was ereéted to her Memory, 
but the Infcription was illegible long 
fince. Dr. Stiles faw it in 1793, 
Dr. Dwight in 1800, and Dr. 
Holmes in 1824. 

55 William Fines was created 


‘champ’s Court, 


Vifcount Say and Sele, 1613, died 
1662. The Name of Sele was 
added to the Title becaufe the firft 
Lord of the Name of Fines was Son 
of Sir William Fines, by Joan, 
daughter of Sir William de Say. 


56'The firft Lord Brooke was 
Grand-fon of the noted Sir Fulke 
Greville, of the Time of Elizabeth, 
created Baron Brooke of Beau- 
County of War- 
wick, gth January, 1620. 


5| with the Indians in New-England. 37 


Part of the Country by the Nzpmets (a general 
Name for all inland Indians betwixt Ma/fachu/ets 
and Conneéticut River.)57 ‘The Sea-coaft South- 
weft from Plmouth, was firft pofleffed by fome 
difcontented with fie Government of the Ma//a- 
chufetts Colony, from which fome being exiled, 
others of their Friends accompanying of them, 
fettled themfelves upon a fair Hland to the South- 
wett of Cape Cod, now called Road-Ifland,5* others 
fetled upon the Mayn, at a Place called Provi- 
dence, and fo by Degrees planting towards Nar- 
haganjet Bay, made another Plantation, called 
- Warwick 359 which Places are fince by Patent 
conferred upon the Inhabitants of Road Iland; 
the reft of the Country from Peguod River® to 
the River of Connecticut, falling within the Bounds 


57 Very little canbe added tothe Ifland. See Moulton’s Hz. New 


Defcription of Pofitions occupied by 
thofe Indians. Indians themfelves 
were neither Surveyors nor Geogra- 
phers, though as Roger Williams af- 
firms, they may have been particular 
as to Meets and Bounds of certain 
Localities, under fome Kind of Im- 
provement. 


5 Called by the Indians, Aqued- 
neck. Or, according to Mr. Arnold, 
that is the Spelling employed in the 
Deed of Purchafe of the Indians. 
Capt: Adrian Blok, a Dutch Navi- 
gator, difcovered the Ifland in 1614 ; 
and it being in Autumn, the Leaves 
of the Trees and Shrubs had, as in 


thefe Days, afflumed a reddifh Hue. 


Hence der Rood Eylandt—the Red 


York, in Arnold’s Rhode Ifland, i, 
72. 
59 So called in Honor of the Earl 


of Warwick, whofe Family name 
was Rich. Robert, the frft Earl, 
was created in 1618, ‘The fecond 
Ear] of the fame Name died 1658. 


60 Every American fhould de- 
mand the Reftoration of the Indian 
Name of this River. - Whoever has 
paffed over London, Black-friars or 
Waterloo Bridges in Midfummer, 
or failed up and down the Salente 
Thames of England at any Time, 
muft be fingularly wanting in his 
Senjes if he would defire to faften 
the Name of that River upon one of 
our beautiful New England Streams. 


38 A Narrative of the Troubles [5 


of Connecticut Colony by Patent alfo, fince con- 
firmed to the faid Colony. ‘Things had been 
very profperoufly and fuccefsfully carried on in all 
the aforefaid Colonies and Jurifdictions, from the 
Year 1620, to the Year 1636, at which Time the 
Narbhaganfet Indians, the moft Warlike and Fierce 
of all the Indians in that Part of the Country, 
who had made all the Reft of the Indians to ftand 
in Awe, having committed many barbarous Out- 
rages upon their neighbour Indians, both Narha- 
ganfets®*' on the Eaft-fide, and Mohegins on the 
Weft fide of them: and alfo upon the Exgh/b and 
Dutch, as they came occafionally to trafick with 
.them: and in the Year 1634, having barbaroufly 
murthered Capt. Stone and Capt. Norton, as they 
were trading with them. Afterwards one O/d- 
ham®s coming amongift them upon the like Ac- 
count. In like Manner, having committed 
feveral Outrages upon the Planters about Connech- 
cut River, the Inhabitants of all the Colonies, 
unanimoulfly fetting upon them in the Beginning 
of the Year 1637, they were eafily fuppreffed ; 
about 700 of them deftroyed, the Reft either fled 
to the Mohawks, by whom they were all cut off 
that efcaped, or elfe fheltering themfelves under 
the Narhaganfets and Mobegins their Neighbours, 


61 Undoubtedly a Slip of the Pen. known refpeéting Stone and Norton 
It fhould read Wampanoags. and their Misfortunes. 
63 Of John Oldham and his Mur- 
62 In Mather’s Re/ation, and the der by the Indians at Block Ifland, 
Notes and References there given, fpecial Notice is taken in the Az/. 
will be found all that is at prefent and Antigs. of Bofton. 


6| with the Indians of New-England. 39 


they were by the Power of the Eng/j/h’ all fub- 
jected to one of thofe two Nations of Indians.% 
Miantonimoh the chief Sachem or Lord of the 
Narhagansets, expecting to be fole Lord and Ruler 
over all the Indians, after the Pequods were fub- 
dued, began to quarrel with the Mo/egins upon 
the Account of Sovereignty, notwithftanding a 
firm Agreement was made betwixt the Engli/h 
and the faid Narhagan/fets in the Year 1637, when 
they had helped to deftroy the Pequods ;°5 and alfo 
notwithftanding the tripartite League between 
the faid Narhaganfets, the Mohegins and the Eng- 
lifh at Hartford (the chief Town of Conneéti- |6| 
cut Colony) made in the Year 1638, wherein 
the faid Indians were folemnly engaged not to 
quarrel either with the Mofegims or any other In- 
dians, until they had firft afked the Advice of the 
Englifb, to whofe Determination they had likewife 
obliged themfelves to ftand in all following Dif- 
ferences among them. Yet the Ambitious Nar- 
haganfets {pecially their chief Leader Miantonimoh, 
bore fuch an inveterate hatred againft the Mohe- 
gins, that they were every Year picking Quarrels 
with them. The Mohegims on the other Side 
though not fo numerous, yet a more warlike 


hegans. Impartial Hiftory has en- 
tirely and fully decreed that the 
Narraganfets were the aggrieved 


64 This is a very brief Summary 
of the Pequot War, Its Hiftory 


will be fully given afterwards. 


65 The Author was not well in- 
formed refpecting the Difficulties 
between the Narraganfets and Mo- 


and wronged Party. See Mather’s 
Relation, Gov Hopkins in Maf- 
Hift. Colls., Arnold’s Rhode Iffand, 
and The Book of the Indians. 


40 A Narrative of the Troubles [6 


‘People and more politick, always made their 
Recourfe to the Englifh, complaining of the In- 
folencies of the Narhagan/fets, contrary to this 
_ League, fo as they would hardly be kept from 
making open War again{ft them, when they faw 
all other Attempts to kill and deftroy Vucas the 
Mohegin Sachem, by Treachery, Poifon and Sor- 
cery, prove ineffectual.®° Infomuch, that at laft © 
the Malice of Mzantonimoh grew to that Height, 
that they began to plot againft the Englifh them- 
felves, for defending of Vucas. But it being dif- 
covered by Vucas and fome of his Men to the 
Englifb, Miantonimoh was {ent for by the Mafa- 
chufets Court to come to Bofton ; when he came 
there he would have denied thofe Things laid to 
his Charge, but was convicted by one of his own 
Fellows ;°7 and inftead of {ftanding to his Promife, 


66'The Charges and Accufations 
againft the Narraganfets will be 
found at large in the Records of the 
Commiffioners of the United Colonies. 
There is a no more deteftable Char- 
acter in all our Indian Hiftory than 
that of Uncas. But Affairs were 
fo conditioned that it appeared all 
important to the Englifh of Con- 
necticut and Maffachufetts to efpoufe 
the Caufe of that Mifcreant; and 
thus was compaffed the Ruin of one 
of the nobleft Indians of that or any 
other Period. 


67 “ When he came,” fays Win- 
throp, ‘* the Court was affembled, 
- and before his Admiflion, we con- 
fidered how to treat with him, for 


we knew him to bea very fubtle 
Man.” When he was admitted, 
“he was fet down at the lower End 
of the Table, over againft the Gov- 
ernor;”” but he would not at any 
Time fpeak upon Bufinefs, unlefs 
fome of his Counfellors were pre- 
fent ; faying, ‘* he would have them 
prefent, that they might bear wit- 
nefs with him, at his return Home, 
of all his Sayings.” ‘The Governor 
further obferves: ‘‘In all his An- 
{wers he was very deliberate, and 
fhowed good Underftanding in the 
Principles of Juftice and Equity, and 
Ingenuity withal.” 

Winthrop, although he fided with 
his Countrymen, and has made the 
moft favorable Record he could for 


6] with the Indians in New-England. 41 


to deliver him to the Mohegin Sachem, whofe 
Subject he was; going homeward he cut off his 
Head, to prevent his telling more Tales. And 
with great Difcontent as he was going Home, 
{aid he would come no more at Boffon; wherein 
he proved a truer Prophet than he himfelf be- 
lieved when he uttered the Words: for .in the 
End_of the fame Year 1643,° making War upon 
Vneas, he was taken Prifoner by him, and foon 
after by the Advice of the Commiflioners of the 
four Colonies (at that Time united firmly into a 
League oftenfive and defenfive, on which Account 
they were after that Time called the United 


them and againft the great Chief, 
by no Means warrants the State- 
ments inthe Narrative. But Win- 
throp’s Journal was not then pro- 
bably ufed by the Author, In 
that Winthrop confeffes that when 
Miantonimo was arraighed before 
the Court, none of his Accufers ap- 
peared, and he was told by that 
Court that it did not know who his 
Accufers were! He then demanded 
why he was fummoned to Bofton, 
fo much to his Detriment? fhowing 
that their Grounds for fo doing 
refted wholly on the falfe Reports 
initigated by Uncas. ‘* Where is 
Uncas?” he demanded. ‘* Why is 
my Accufer not here? I am ready 
to prove his Treachery to his Face. 
I am not afraid to fee the Faces of 
the Englifh, though I was told that 
if | came to Bofton I would be put 
to Death. I fear nothing, for I 
have not wronged the Englifh.” 


K 


The Maffachufetts Men were fatis- 
fied, and advifed thofe of Conneéti- 
cut not to make War on the Narra- 
ganfets. But their Ruin was pre- 
determined, What it was not ad- 
vifable to do direétly, was eventually 
accomplifhed indireétly. ‘The Mo- 
hegans had the Sympathy and Aid 
of the Connecticut Men, the Narra- 
ganfets were overthrown, and falfe 
Hiftory was written to cover the 
Iniguities of bad Men, 


ce <«*'There was this Year a very 
ftrange Difeafe among the Indians, 
They ran up and down as if Deli- 
rious, till they could run no longer. 
They would make their Faces as 
black as a Coal, and {natch up any 
Weapon as though they would do 
Mifchief with it, and {peak great 
{welling Words, but they did no 
Harm.” Mayhew’s Indian Con- 
verts, Page 3. 


4.2 A Narrative of the Troubles [7 


Colonies of New-Eng/and, though fince that Time 
they are reduced but to three Colonies; that of 
New~Haven and Connecticut, by the laft Patent 
being conjoined in one): his Head was cut off | 
by Vucas, it being juftly feared that there would 
never be any firm Peace, either betwixt the Eng- 
lifh and Narhaganfets, or betwixt the Narhagan- 
fets and the Mohegins, while Montonimob was left 
alive; however the Narhaganfets have ever fince 
that Time born an implacable Malice againft 
Vneas and all the Mohegins, and for their Sakes 
fecretly againft the Engii/h, fo far as they durft 
difcover it.°9 

In the Year 1645, and 1646, they grew fo In- 
folent, that the Commiffioners of the United 
Colonies were compelled to raife Forces to go 
again{t them: but when they perceived that the 
Englifb were in good |7| earneft, they began to 
be afraid, and fued for Peace, and fubmitted to 
pay a Tribute to fatisfie for the Charge of Pre- 
paration for the War, but were always very back- 
ward to make Payment, until the Engi/b were 
forced to demand it by new Forces ;7° fo that it 
appeared they were unwillingly willing to hold 
any friendly Correfpondence with the Enghj/h, yet 


69 The Affairs of this Time are 
fo fully defcribed in the Book of the 
Indians, and the Records of the 
United Colonies, that it is neceffary 
only to refer to thofe Sources. 

70 T have fhown elfewhere that it 
was owing to the extreme Poverty 


of the Indians that they did not pay 
the Wampum they had promifed 
from Time to Time. Nor need it 
be argued that thefe Promifes of 
Sums of Wampum had been extort- 
ed at the Point of the Sword. See 
Book of the Indians, 135. 


7| with the Indians in New-England. 43 


durft they never make any open Attempt upon 
them, until the prefent Rebellion, wherein that 
they had no fmall Hand, is too evident, notwith- 
{tanding all their pretences to the contrary, as 
will appear in the Sequel of this Hiftory. 

Thus it is apparent upon what Terms the Exg- 
lifb ttood with the Narhagan/ets ever fince the 
cutting off Muzantonmoh, their chief Sachems 
Head by Uncas, it being done from the Advice 
and Counfel of the Engi/b, Anno 1643.7' As 
for the Reft of the Indians ever fince the fup- 
prefling the Peguods in the Year 1637, until the 


Year 1675, there was 


71'This is in Accordance with 
the cold-blooded Records of the 
Time. The Englifh had not, nor 
did they claim JurifdiGtion over 
thofe Indians then at War, and 
could not rightfully interfere in 
their Quarrel. The Battle which 
decided the Fate of Miantonimo 
was fought in the End of the Sum- 
mer, 1643. ‘The precife Day and 
Month does not appear. Being 
taken Prifoner, Miantonimo was 
conduéted to Hartford by Uncas, 
and there held until the Englith 
fhould direét how he fhould be 
difpofed of. ‘The Meeting of the 
Commifhioners of the United Col- 
onies being near at Hand, the 
Matter was deferred to that Body. 
It met at Bofton on the 7th of 
September,.1643. Nearly the firft 
Bufinefs brought forward was that 
of the Difpofition of Miantonimo. 
Before coming to a Decifion the 
Commiflioners went over all the 


always in Appearance 


Array of Teftimony furnifhed dur- 
ing feveral Years by Uncas and 
others of the moft malignant of 
Miantonimo’s Enemies, in which 
was enumerated all the vague 
Charges of Plots, Treafons, Poifons 
and Sorceries. ‘The Commiflioners 
then continue: ‘‘ Thefe ‘Things being 
duely weighed and confidered, we 
apparently fee that Uncas cannot 
be fafe while Myantenomo lives, 
but that either by fecret Treachery 
or open Force, his Lite will be 
{till in Danger. Wherefore they 
thinke he may juftly put fuch a 
falfe and bloodthirfty Enemie to 
Death ; but in his own Jurifdiccon, 
not in the Englifh Plantacons; and 
advifeing that in the Manner of 
his Death all Mercy and Modera- 
con be fhewed, contrary to the 
Practife of the Indians, who exer- 
cife Tortures and Cruelty.”—Re- 
cords of the Commiffioners, U. Col. 
fella b zy tts 


44. 4 Narrative of the Troubles [7 
Amity and good Correfpondence on all Sides, 


{carce an Englifhman was ever known to be 
affaulted or hurt by any of them, until after the 
Year 1671, when the Son of one “Matfoonas, who 
as was fuppofed, being vexed in his Mind that 
the Defign againft the Engi/b, intended to begin 
1671, did not take place, out of meer Malice and 
Spight again{t them, flew an Englifh Man travy- 
elling along the Rigadk :7* the faid Mat/oonas being 
a Nipnet Indian, which Nzpnets were under the 
Command of the Sachem of Mount-hope,73 the 
Author of all the prefent Mifchiefs. Upon a due 
Enquiry into all preceding Tranfactions between 
the Indians and the FEngh/b, from their firft 
fetling in thefe Coafts, there will appear no 
Ground of Quarrel that any of them had againft 
the Engl/h, nor any Appearance of Provocation 
upon one Account or other; for when Plymouth 
Colony was firft planted, within three Months 
after their firft Landing, March 16, 1620, Ma/- 
Jafoit the chief Sachem of all that Side of the 
Countrey,” repaired to the Engh/h at Plimouth, 


72] have given all the Particulars 
of this Affair in the Book of the In- 
dians, from original Mf. Docu- 
ments of the Time. The Name of 
the murdered Man was Zachary 
Smith. He was murdered in what 
was then Dedham, in the Month of 
April. 


73 Wampanoag Sachems 
doubtlefs able to command 


were 


the 


Nipnets when the Nipnets judged 
it their Intereft to be fo com- 
manded, while, for Aught to be 
feen to the Contrary, they were as 
Independent as any other Tribe 
fituated as they were. Bonds of 
Alliance were not much underftood 


by Indians. 

74’'This will be found further 
enlarged upon in the fecond 
Volume. 


8| with the Indiansin New-England. 45 


and entred into a folemn League upon fundry 
Articles, printed in N. E, Memorial 1669, p. 


24,75 the words are as followeth : 


1. That neither he, nor any of his fhould injure or do 


hurt to any of their People.7° 


2. That if any of his did any burt to any of theirs?7 he 
Should fend the Offender that they7® might punifh him. 

3. That of any Thing were taken away from any of 
theirs, he fhould caufe it to-be reftored, and they fhould do 


the like to his.79 


4. That if any did unjuftly war againft him, they fhould’° 
aid him ; and tf any did war againft them,®* he fhould aid 


pncm.°?. | 3 


5. That he fhould fend to his neighbour Confederates, to 
certifie them of this that they might not wrong them,83 but 
might be likewife comprifed in their Conditions of Peace. 

6. That whenhis Men came to them*4 upon any occafion, 
they fhould leave their Arms*s (which were their Bows 


and Arrows) behind them. 


75'This Reference is to the 
original Edition of Morton. It 
will be found at Page 54 of Davis’s 
Edition. An Edition gotten up 
according to the Lights of the 
prefent Day, properly paged and 
indexed is much wanted. 


76 Morton much changed the 
Articles of this ‘Treaty, rendering 
them exceedingly bungling, and 
Davis did not think it worth his 
while to point out Morton’s Errors, 
nor has he correéted the Date 
given by him. It was made and 
executed on the 22d of March, 
1620-1. In the 1ft- Article tor 
their People, read our People. 


77 Ours. 78 Wee. 

79 Article 3 fhould read thus: 
«Tf any of our Tooles were taken 
away when our People were at 
Work, he fhould caufe them to bee 
reftored, and if ours did any Harme 
to any of his, we would doe the 
Like to them.” 


80 We would for they fhould. 


81Us, 82Us, 83Us, 84Us 

85 Inftead of Arms, read Bowes 
and Arrowes behind them, as wee 
Joould doe our Peeces when we come 


to them. 


46 A Narrative of the Troubles [8 


7. Laftly, That fo doing, their Soveraign Lord King 
James would efteem him as his Friend and Ally.®® 


The which League the fame Sachim, Sept, 26, 
1630%7 a little before his Death, coming with his 
eldeft Son, afterwards called Alexander, did re- 
new with the Exgii/b at the Court of Plymouth, 
for himfelf and his Son, and their Heirs and 
Succefiors: and after that he came to Mr. Browns 
that lived not far from Mount Hope,** bringing 
his two Sons Alexander and Philip with him de- 
firing that there might be Love and Amity after 


85 For Art. 7, read, ‘* That doing 
thus King lames would efteeme of 


him as his Friend and Ally.” 


87'This date is undoubtedly a 
Mifprint and fhould be 1639. See 
a few Paragraphs onward. ‘The 
Error is the Same in the firft Edi- 
tion. It will alfo be feen Elfe- 
where that Maflafoit was living 
many Years after this. 


8S How, when or by whom this 
noted Point received the Name of 
Mount Hope, does not appear. Dr. 
Stiles’s notes, in his Edition of 
Church’s Hz/fory that its Name is 
“* Mont-haup, a Mountain in Brif- 
tol.” The Editor. of Yamoyden 
fays, ‘The indians called it Mon- 
taup or Mont Haup; and Alden, 
Epitaphs, iv, 77, that, ‘* According 
to authentic Tradition, however, 
Mon Top was the genuine Abori- 
ginal Name of this celebrated Em- 


inence.” But thefe are moft likely 
all Corruptions of Mount Hope. 
I vifited this Mount on a beautiful 
Summer’s Day in 1824. From its 
Summit all the important Towns in 
Rhode-Ifland are vifible. It rifes 
to the Height of fome 250 Feet 
above the Level of the furrounding 
Waters of the Bay. Not far 
from the Summit, it is faid the 
Wampanoag Chiefs had _ their 
principal Refidence. Here Philip 
refided in Summer, and here was 
killed, as will be feen. When I 
vifited the Place, a neat o¢tagonal 
Summer Houfe ftood upon the Top, 
erected by Captain James de Wolfe, 
in 1801. This was furmounted by 
a Statue of King Philip. Thefe 
have been gone many Years. The 
following Lines of Yamoyden 
{carcely do Mount Hope Juttice: 
*¢ With equal Swell above the Flood, 
The Foreft-cinétured Mountain ftood ; 
Its Eaftward Cliffs, a Rampart wild, 
Rock above Rock fublimely piled. 


8] with the Indians in New-England. 47 


his Death, between his Sons and them, as there 
had been betwixt himfelf and them in former 
Times : yet it is very remarkable, that this Ma/- 
Jafoit, called alfo Woofamequen (how much foever 
he affected the Englifh, yet was never in the 
leaft Degree any Ways well-aftected to the Re- 
ligion of the Englifh, but would in his laft 
Treaty with his Neighbours at P/mouth, when 
they were with him about purchafing fome Land 
at Swanzy, have had them engaged never to at- 
tempt to draw away any of his People from their 
old Pagan Superftition, and devilifh Idolatry to 
the Chriftian Religion, and did much infift upon 
it till he faw the Englifh were refolved never to 
make any Treaty with him more upon that Ac- 
count; which when he difcerned, he did not 
further urge it: but that was a bad Omen, that 
notwithftanding whatever his Humanity were to 
the Englifh, as they were Strangers (for indeed 
they had repayed his former Kindnefs to them, by 
protecting him afterwards againft the Infolencies 
of the Narhaganfets) he manifefted no {mall Dif- 
placency of Spirit againft them, as they were 
Chriftians : which Strain was evident more in his 
Son that fucceeded him, and all his People, inaf- 
much that fome difcerning Perfons of that Jurif- 
diction, have feared that that Nation of Indians 
would all be rooted out, as is fince come to pafs. 
The like may be obferved concerning the Nar- 
haganfets, who were always more civil and 
courteous to the Englifh than any of the other 
Indians, yet never as yet received the leaft Tin€ture 


48 A Narrative of the Troubles 19 


of Chriftian Religion, but have in a Manner run 
the fame Fate with the Reft of their Neighbours 
of Mount Hope, there being very few of them now 
left ftanding. Nor is it unworthy the Relation, 
what a Perfon of Quality amongft us hath of 
Late affirmed, one®? being much converfant with 
the Indians about Merimack River, being Anno 
1660; |g.| invited by fome Sagamores or Sa- 
chims to a great Dance (which Solemnities are 
the Times they make ufe of to tell their Stories, 
and convey the Knowledge of forepaft and moft 
memorable Things to Pofterity.) Paffaconaway 
the great Sachim of that Part of the Countrey, 
intending at that ‘Time to make his laft Farewell 
Speech to his Children and People, that were 
then all gathered together, he addreffed himfelf 


to them in this manner: 


I am now going the Way of all Flefh, or ready to die, 
and not likely to fee you ever met together any more: I 
will now leave this Word of Counfel with you, that you 
take heed how you quarrell with the Englith for though 
you may do them much mifchief, yet affuredly you will all 
be deftroyed, and rooted off the Earth if you do: for, faid 
be, I was as much an Enemy to the Englith at their firft 
coming into thefe Parts, as any one whatfoever, and did 
try all Ways and Means poffible to have deftroyed them, at 
leaft to have prevented them fitting down here, but I 
could in no way effect it ; (it is to be noted that this Pafi- 
aconaway was the moft noted Pawaw and Sorcerer of all 
the Country) therefore I advife you never to contend with 


69'The Author probably refers to Indian Apoftle, very early fo called 
Mr John Elliot, fince noted as the See Mather, Re/ 36. 


9| with the Indians in New-England. 49 


the Englifh, nor make War with them. And accordingly 
his eldeft Son, Wonalancet by Name, as foon as he per- 
ceived that the Indians were up in Arms, he withdrew 
himfelf into Jome remote Place, that he might not be hurt 
by the Englifh, or the Enemies, or be in danger by 
them. 


This Pafflage was thought fit to be inferted here, 
it having fo near an-Agreement with the former, 
intimating fome fecret Awe of God upon the 
Hearts of fome of the Principal amongft them, 
that they durft not hurt the Englifh, though they 
bear no good Affection to their Religion; 
wherein they feem not a Little to imitate Ba/aam, 
‘who whatever he uttered when he was under the 
awful Power of Divine [llumination, yet when 
left to himfelf, was as bad an Enemy to the 
Ifrael of God, as ever before. 

But to return whence there hath been this 
Digrefiion : 

After the Death of this Woo/amequen or Maffa- 
fait, his eldeft Son fucceeded him about twenty 
Years fince, d/exander by name, who notwith- 
{tanding the League he had entered into with 
the Englifh, together with his Father, in the 
Year 1639, had neither Affections to the Eng- 
lifhmens Perfons, nor yet to their Religion, but 
had been plotting with the Narhagan/fets to rife 
againft the Englifh ; of which the Governour and 
Council of Péimouth being informed, they pre- 
fently fent for him to bring him to the Court; 
the Perfon to whom that Service was committed, 


L 


50 A Narrative of the Troubles [10 


was a prudent and refolute Gentleman, the 
refent Governour of the faid Colony, who was 
neither afraid of Danger, nor yet willing to 
delay in a [10| matter of that. Moment, he 
forthwith taking eight or ten ftout Men with 
him well armed, intended to have gone to the 
faid Alexander's Dwelling, diftant at leaft forty 
Miles from the Governour’s Houfe; but by a 
good Providence, he found him whom he went 
to feek at a Hunting-Houfe, within fix miles 
of the Englifh Towns, when the faid Alex- 
ander with about eighty? Men were newly come 
in from Hunting, and had left their Guns with- 
out Doors, which Major W2n/low with his {mall 
‘Company wifely feized, and conveyed away, and 
then went into the Wigwam, and demanded 
- Alexander to go along with him before the Goy- 
ernour, at which Meflage he was much appall’d, 
but being told by the undaunted Meflenger, that 
if he ftir’d or refufed to go, he was a dead Man; 
he was by one of his chief Councellors, in whofe 
Advice he moft confided, perfwaded to go along 
to the Governours Houfe, but fuch was the Pride 
and Height of his Spirit, that the very Surprizal 
of him, fo raifed his Choler and Indignation, that 
it put him into a Fever, which notwith{tanding 


all poffible Means that could be ufed, feemed 


90 See Letter of John Cotton of fundry Squaws.” ‘This is unquef- 
Plymouth to Dr, I. Mather, tionably correét, and the “eighty ” 
printed in Davis’s Morton, 426-7. in the Text is an Error eafily made 
It is there ftated that ‘‘ Alexander in tranfcribing. See alfo Mather’s 
had with him about 8 Men and Relation, 228, 


10| with the Indians in New-England. 51 


Mortal; whereupon entreating thofe who held 
him Prifoner, that he might have Liberty to re- 
turn Home, promifing to return again if he re- 
covered, and to fend his Son as Hoftage till he 
could do fo; on that Confideration he was fairly 
difmiffed, Bit died before he got half Way Home. 
Here let it be obferved, that although Some have 
taken up falfe Reports, as if the Englifh had 
compelled him to go further or fafter than he 
was able, and {fo fell into a Fever, or as if he were 
not well ufed by the Phyfician that looked to him, 
while he was with the Englifh, all which are 
notorioufly Falfe ;9* nor is it to be imagined that 
a Perfon of fo noble a Difpofition as is that Gen- 
tleman (at that Time employed to bring him) 
fhould himfelf, or fuffer any elfe to be uncivil% 
to a Perfonallied to them by his own, as well as ° 
his Fathers League, as the faid PAz/ip alfo was; 
nor was any Thing of that Nature ever objected 
to the Englith of Plimouth%3 by the faid Alexan- 


91 Mather, in his Re/ation, is 
rather more circumftantial than 


Mr. Hubbard, but the two Ac- 


civil Affair. But it appears that 
fome of the Party who captured 
Alexander reported that he went 


counts do not differ materially. 
The Affair happened tists in 
July, 1662. 


92'The Author’s Idea of Civility 
muft have been widely different 
from ours, and |] apprehend he 
would not have accounted being made 
a Prifoner himfelf, and forced to 
march againft his Will many Miles 
and kept in Confinement, a very 


freely, and made no Objection. 
This can be eafily believed, fee- 
ing that the Arms of all his Party 
had been feized by his Captors. 


93'The Year previous there was 
a War between the Mohegans and 
Nipnets, which caufed a good deal 
of Anxiety, and Philip being or- 
dered to appear at Plymouth may 
have had Something to do with it, 


52 A Narrative of the Troubles [ 10 


ders Brother, by name PAi/ip, commonly for his 
ambitious and haughty Spirit nick-named King 
Philip, when he came in the Year 1662, in his 
own Perfon with Saufaman his Secretary and 
chief Councellor to renew the former League 
that had been between his Predeceffors and the 
Englith of Pmouth; but there was as much 
Correfpondence betwixt them for the next feven 
Years, as ever had been in any former Times. 
What can be imagined therefore, befides the In- 
{tigation of Satan, that either envied at the Prof- 
perity of the Church of God here feated; or elfe 
fearing left the Power of the Lord Jefus, that had 


while the Englifh might well im- 
agine that their Courfe with Alex- 
ander gave fufficient Occafion 
for Diftrutt. ‘Then Mafflachufetts 
claimed Jurifdi€tion over the Nip- 
nets or a Part of them, and Con- 


neéticut defended the Mohegans. 


was at Plymouth in 1661 and de- 
clared that the Quabauke Indians 
belonged to him, ‘‘ and further faid 
that hee did warr againft Vneas 
this Summer on that Account.” . 
Befides fome Documents in the 
Plym. Colony Records, important 


In May, 1661, Maffachufetts de- 
manded Satisfaction of Uncas, “‘ for 
that he had offered great Violence 
to theire Subjeéts at Quabauke, 
killing fome and taking others Cap- 
tive. 715 “That. tiiehemiaun: not 
returne the Captives and £33 
Damage, then the Maffachufets 
would recover it by Force of 
Armes.” Major Mafon returned 
an Apology or Defence of Uncas, 
faying, the Indians of Qabaukutt 
were none of Wofamequen’s men, 
and confequently not under the 
Maffachufetts; but that they were 
Onopequin’s men, and that Ono- 
pequin his deadly Enemy was born 
there, Alexander, alias Wamfutta 


Fats from original MSS. will be 
feenin the Book of the Indians upon 
this Affair. 

Maffaffoit died in the Winter of 
1660-1, as is inferred from the 
Documents above referred to. The 
Death of Alexander occurred in 
the End of Summer, perhaps in 
September, 1661, and Philip his 
fucceflor was fummoned to Ply- 
mouth in 1662, as mentioned in 
the Text. He was there on the 
6th of Auguft, and made a Treaty. 
“John Sufamen and Francis, Sa- 
chem of Naufet” were with him, 
and witnefled the Treaty. See 
Mather’s Relation, 227, and Plym. 
Col. Records, iv, 256. 


11 | with the Indians in New-England. 53 


overthrown his Kingdom in other Parts of the 
World fhould do the Like here, and fo the 
Stone taken out of the Mountain without Hands, 
fhould become a great Mountain it felf, and fill 
the [11] whole Earth, no Caufe of Provoca- 
tion being given by the Englifh; for once before 
this, in the Year 1671, the Devil, who was a 
Murderer from the Beginning, had fo filled the 
Heart of this favage Mifcreant with Envy and 
Malice againft the Englifh, that he was ready to 
break out into open War againft the Inhabitants 
of Phmouth, pretending fome petite Injuries done 
to him in planting Land ;9+ but when the Matter 
of Controverfie came to be heard before Divers 
of the Maffachufets Colony: yea when he himfelf 
came to Bo/fon,95 as it were referring his Cafe to 
the Judgment of that Colony, nothing of that 
Nature could be made to appear; Whereupon in 


way of Submiffion, he was of Neceflity by that 


94Jt is a natural Confequence, 
that any People living by the Side 
of another more profperous than 
themfelves fhould become Envious. 
Incapable of equalling their Neigh- 
bors, their Envy in ‘Time becomes 
Hatred, and this begets Violence 
and War. ‘That was the Condi- 
tion of the North and South before 
the prefent Rebellion. ‘The South, 
with its Millftone of Slavery about 
its Neck, faw the Free States rap- 
idly increafing in Everything that 
makes a People great and refpected, 
and chafing under its Inability 
to rife with them, inftead of ap- 


plying the only true Remedy for 
their Degradation, felonioufly ftruck 
at the Life of the Nation regardlefs 
of Confequences. But while the 
Cafe of the Indians is not a Parallel 
one in fome Refpeéts, it is very 
fimilar in others. 


95 Our Author’s Statement is in 
Accordance with the popular Opin- 
ion of his T'ime, while the Docu- 
ments which have come down to 
us fhow that the aétual Condition 
of Things was not clearly feen by 
the Writers of that Period. See 
Book of the Indians, p. 207. 


54 A Narrative of the Troubles [11 


evident Conviction, forced to acknowledge that 
it was. the Naughtinefs of hisown Heart that put 
him upon that Rebellion, and nothing of any 
Provocation from the Englifh; and to a Con- 
feflion of this Nature, with a folemn Renewal of 
his Covenant, declaring his Defire, that this his 
Covenant might teftifie to the World againft him, 
if ever he fhould prove unfaithful to thofe of 
Plimouth, or any other of the Englifh Colonies 
therein; himfelf with his chief Councellors fub- 
{cribed in the Prefence of fome Meffengers fent 
on purpofe to hear the Difference between P/- 
mouth and the faid PAz/ip.9° But for further Sat- 
isfaction of the Reader, the faid Agreement and 
Submiffion fhall be here publifhed. 


Taunton, April 1oth, 1671. 


Whereas my Father, my Brother, and my Jelf, have 
formally Jubmitted ourfelves and our People unto the Kings 
Majefty of England, and to the Colony of New Plimouth, 
by Jolemn Covenant under our Hand; but I having of late 
through my Indifcretion, and the Naughtine/s of my Heart, 
violated and broken this my Covenant with my Friends, by 
taking up Arms, with evil intent againft them, and that 
groundlefly ; I being now deeply fenfible of my Unfaithful- 
nefs and Folly, do defire at this Time folemnly to renew 
my Covenant with my ancient Friends, and my Fathers 
Friends above mentioned, and do defire that this may teftifie 
to the World againft me if ever I Shall again fail in my 
Faithfulne/s towards them (that I have now, and at all 


96 How much Indians had to do becaufe they had not the Power to 
with making Treaties, it is not refiit. An unwritten Word of 
difficult to judge. They acquiefced, Honor with them was fufficient. 


12] with the Indians in New-England. 55 


Times found fo kind to me) or any other of the Englifh 
Colonies ; and as areal Pledg of my true Intentions for the 
Future to be Faithful and Friendly, I do freely engage to 
refign up unto the Government of New Plimouth, all my 
Englifh Arms, to be kept by them for their Security, [12] 
Jo long as they fhall fee Reafon. For true Performance of 
the Premifes, I have hereunto Jet my Hand, together with 
the Reft of my Council. 


In Prefence of The Mark of P. Philip. 
William Davis. chief Sachem ot Pocanoket. 
William Hudfon. The Mark of V. Tavofer. 
Thomas Brattle. The Mark of Capt. Wi/pofke. 

The Mark of 7. Woonkapon- 
_ chunt. |W oonkaponchunt. | 
The Mark of 8. Nimrod.97 


To which for the further clearing the Juftice 
of the prefent War, the Refult of the Debate of 
the Commiflioners of the United Colonies about 


the Matter of the War fhall be here inferted. 


At a Meeting of the Commiffioners of the 
United Colonies held in Bo/fon, 


September goth, 1675. 
We having received from the Commiffioners of Plimouth 
a Narrative fhewing the Rife and feveral Steps of that 
Colony, as to the prefent War with the Indians, which 
bad its Beginning there, and its Progre/s into the Maffa- 
chufetts, hy their Infolenctes and Outrages, murthering 
many Perfons, and burning their Houfes in Jundry Planta- 


87 From this Treaty to the next, Hubbard does not touch upon thofe 

-which was held at Plymouth in Zroudb/es. Mather, inhis Relation, 

September following (1671) there has fome Account of them. See 
was continued Excitement. Mr. Plymouth Colony Records. 


56 A Narrative of the Troubles [ 13 


tions in both Colonies. And having only confidered the 
Jame, do declare, that the aid War doth appear to be both 
Fuft and Neceffary, and its firft Rife only a defenfive War. 
And therefore we do agree and conclude, that it ought to 
be jointly profecuted by all the united Colonies, and the 
Charges thereof to be born and paid, as is agreed in the 
Articles of Confederation. 
Thomas Danforth. 
John Winthrop. William Stoughton. 
Fames Richards. Fofiah Winflow. 
Thomas Hinckley, 

Yet whatever his Submiffion was before, or 
his fubjecting himfelf and his People to our 
King, or his Engagement to pay a Sum of 
Money in Part of the Charges then occafioned 
by him (nor have the Englifh in or about P/- 
mouth, fince, or before that Time been any Ways 
injurious unto him, or any of his People) all 
which are fully declared in a Narrative%* given by 
the Commiffioners of the Colony of Plimouth, 
wherein they alfo fignifie that the Settlement 
and Iffue of the former Controver|13]fie be- 
tween Philip and them, was obtained and made 
(principally) by the Mediation, and interpofed 
Advice and Counfel of the other two confederate 
Colonies, and alfo in a Letter under the Gover- 
nours Hand in thefe Words :— 


I think I can clearly fay, that before thefe prefent 
Troubles broke out, the Englifh did not poffe/s one Foot of 
Land in this Colony but what was fairly obtained by 


°3'That Narrative is of great Mather’s Brief Hiffory, p. 217- 
Intereft, “and: Smay\obe readin 222: 


13| with the Indians in New-England. 57 


honeft Purchafe of the Indian Proprietors: Nay, becaufe 
Jome of our People are of a covetous Difpofition, and the 
Indians. are in Streights eafily prevailed with to part with 
their Lands, we firft made a Law, that none fhould pur- 
chafe or receive of Gift any Land of the Indians without 
the Knowledge and Allowance of our Court, and Penalty 
of a Fine, five Pound per Acre for all that fhould be bought 
as obtained. And left yet they fhould be ftreightned 
we ordered that Mount-Hope, Pocaflet and /everal 
other Necks of the beft Land in the Colony (becaufe 
moft fuitable and convenient for them), should never be 
bought out of their Hands, or elfe they would have 
Jold them long fince. And our Neighbors of Rehoboth, 
and Swanzy, athough they bought their Lands fairly of 
this Philip and his Father and Brother, yet becaufe of 
their Vicinity, that they might not trefpa/s upon the In- 
dians, did at their own Coft Jet up a very fubftantial 
Fence quite cro/s that great Neck between the Englifh and 
the Indians, and payed due Damage if at any Time any 
unruly Horfe or other Beafts brake in and trefpaffed. 
And for divers Years laft paft (that all Occafions of Of- 
fence in that refpect might .be prevented); the Englifh 
agreed with Philip and hts, for a certain Sum, yearly, to 
maintain the faid Fence, and fecure themfelves. And tf at 
any Time they have brought Complaints before us, they have 
had ‘fuftice impartial and /peedyly, fo that our own People 
have frequently complained, that we erred on the other 
Hand in fhewing them overmuch Favour. . 


Marfhfield, May 1. Jos. Winflow.99 
1676. 


Yet did this treacherous and perfidious Caitiff 


99Son of Governor Edward of the Winflows, See Mifs E, 
Winflow, and ‘‘the firft native- ‘Thomas’s Memorials of Mar(/kfeld, 
born Governor of the Old Col- 17, &c. See alfo a Pedigreein the WV. 
ony.” For an interefting Account zg. Hi/?. and Gen, Regr., iv, 297. 


M 


58 A Narrativeof the Troubles [14 


ftill harbour the fame or more mifchievous 
Thoughts againft the Englifh than ever before, 
and hath been fince that ‘Time plotting with all 
the Indians round about to make a general In- 
furrection againft the Englith in all the Colonies ; 
which, as fome Prifoners lately brought in have 
confeffed, fhould have been put in Execution at 
once, by all the Indians rifing as one Man, againft 
all thofe Plantations of Englifh which were next 
them. The Narhaganfets having promifed, as was 
confeffed, to rife with four thoufand fighting Men 
in the Spring of this prefent Year 1676.'° But 
by the Occafion hereafter to be mentioned about 
Saufaman, Philip was neceflitated for |[14. 

the Safety of his own Life to begin his Rebellion 
the Year before, when the Defign was not fully 
ripe. Yet fome are ready to think, that if his 
own Life had not now been in Jeopardy by the 
Guilt of the forefaid Murther of Sau/aman, his 
Heart might have failed him, when it fhould 
have come to be putin Execution, as it did be- 
fore in the Year 1671, which made one of his 
Captains, of far better Courage and Refolution 
than himfelf, when he faw his cowardly Temper 
and Difpofition, fling down his Arms, calling 
him a white-/ver’'d Cur, orto that Purpofe, and 
faying, That he would never own him again, or 


100'The Numbers of the Indians 1675, fays, Philip ‘ muftered up 
were, doubtlefs, confiderably over about 500, and had gotten about 
eftimated ; though at the Beginning eight or nine hundred of his neigh- 
of the War the Narraganfets were bouring Indians,” all armed com- 
more numerous than any of the plete.—O/d Indian Chronicle, p. 8. 
Tribes. One, writing in Bofton in Book of the Indians, 207. : 


14| with the Indians in New-England. 59 


fight under him, and from that Time hath 
turned to the Englifh, and hath continued to 
this Day a faithful and refolute Soldier in this 
Quarrel.!° 

That the Indzans had a Confpiracy amongtt 
themfelves to rife againft the Englith, is con- 
firmed by fome of the Indians about Hadly,'* al- 
though the plot was not come to Maturity when 
Philip began, the fpecial Providence of God 
therein over-ruling the Contrivers: For when 
the Beginning of the Troubles firft was reported 
from Mount Hope, many of the Indians were in a 
kind of Maze, not knowing well what to do; 
fometimes ready to ftand for the Englifh, as 
formerly they were wont to do, fometimes in- 
clining to ftrike in with PAip (which at the 
laft they generally did) which if it had been 
forefeen, much of that mifchief might have been 
prevented that fell out in feveral Places, more by 


101 Much has been faid and writ- 
ten refpecting the Bravery, Mag- 


as in the other Cafes. In all his 
Treaties with the Englifh nothing 


nanimity and Statefmanfhip of King 
Philip. But I nowhere find any 
authentic Records to fubftantiate 
thefe Statements. On the other 
Hand, I find abundant Proof that 
he was quite deftitute of fuch 
Qualities. As to his Bravery, not 
an Inftance appears on Record, 
while there is ample Teftimony to 
his Cowardice; being always the 
firft to fly when he fancied his En- 
emies were near. As_ to his 
Magnanimity, no Inftance is pointed 
out. And as to his Statefmanthip, 
there is quite as great a want of it 


but an abject acquiefcence in their 
Demands is feen. How different a 
Character is exhibited by Philip, to 
that of Miantonimo! ‘The Great- 
nefgs and Magnanimity of the latter 
is amply acknowledged by his 
worft Enemies, while that of 
Philip excites nothing but our 
Contempt and Pity. 


102 Wabau, early in 1675, re- 
ported to Gen. Gookin, that he had 
reafon to believe the Inaians in- 
tended to begin War as foon as the 
Trees were leaved out. 


60 A Narrative of the Troubles [14 


perfidious and treacherous Dealing than any 
other Ways: the Englifh never imagining that 
after fo many obliging Kindneffes received from 
them by the Indians, befides their many Engage- 
ments and Proteftations of Friendfhip, as form- 
erly, they would have been fo Ungrateful, 
perfidioufly Falfe and Cruel as they have fince 
proved. ; 
The Occafion of PAilips fo fudden taking up 
Arms the laft Year, was this: There was one 
“fohn Saufaman'*3 a very cunning and plaufible 
Indian, well fkilled in the Englifh Language, and 
bred up in the Profeflion of Chriftian Religion, 
imployed as a Schoolmafter at Natick, the Indian 
Town, who upon fome Mifdemeanour fled from 
his Place to Péilip, by whom he was entertained 
in the Room and Office of Secretary, and his 
chief Councellor, whom he trufted with all his 
Affairs and fecret Counfels: But afterwards, 
whether upon the Sting of his own Confcience, 
or by the frequent Sollicitations of Mr. E/zot, that 
had known him from a Child, and inftruéted him 
in the Principles of our Religion, who was often 
laying before him the heinous Sin of his Apoftacy, 
and returning back to his old Vomit; he was at 
laft prevailed with to forfake PA/ip, and return 
back to the Chriftian Indans at Natick where he 
was baptifed, manifefted publick Repentance for 


103 "The moft circumftantial Ac- Relation. ‘The principal Faéts are 
count of Saufaman by a Cotempo- colleéted in the Book of the In- 
rary will be found in Dr. I. Mather’s dians., 172, 195. 


15| with the Indians in New-England. 61 


all his former Offences, [15] and made a ferious 
Profeflion of the Chriftian Religion: and did 
apply himfelf to preach to the Indians, wherein 

he was better gifted than any other of the Indian | 
Nation; fo as he was obferved to conform more 
to the Englifh Manners than any other Indian: 
yet having Occafion to go up with fome others 
of his Country men to Namafket,'°+ whether for 
the Advantage of Fifhing or fome fuch Occafion, 
it matters not; being there not far from PAz/ps 
Country,'°5 he had Occafion to be much in the 
Company of PAzlips Indians, and of Philp himfelf: 
by which Means he difcerned by feveral Circum- 
{tances that the Indians were plotting anew againft 
us; the which out of Fathfulnefs to the Englifh 
the faid Sau/aman informed the Governour’® of; 
adding alfo, that if it were known that he re- 
vealed it, he knew they would prefently kill him. 
There appearing fo many concurrent 'Teftimonies 
from others, making it the more probable, that 
there was certain Truth in the Information ; 
fome Inquiry was made into the Bufinefs, by ex- 
amining P/i/ip himfelf, feveral of his Indians, 
who although they could do nothing, yet could 
not free themfelves from juft Sufpition; PAzsip 
therefore foon after contrived the faid Saufamans 


104 "This Place is in the prefent 105 Tt was in Philip’s Country, or 
Town of Middleborough. It was the Country of the Wampanoags, 
vifited in 1619 by Gapt. Thomas originally. 

Dermer, who wrote the Name 
Nummaftaquyt. See Purchas, his 106 Governor Winflow, of Ply- 
Pilgrimes, iv, 1778. mouth. 


62 A Narrative of the Troppin | 16 


Death, which was ftrangely difcovered; notwith- 
ftanding it was fo cunningly effected, for they 
that murdered him, met him upon the Ice on a 
great Pond,’°? and prefently after they had 
knocked him down, put him under the Ice, yet 
leaving his Gun and his Hat upon the Ice, that 
it might be thought he fell in accidentally through 
the Ice and was drowned: but being miffed by 
his Friend, who finding his Hat and his Gun, 
they were thereby led to the Place, where his 
Body was found under the Ice: when they took 
it up to bury him, fome of his Friends, {pecially 
one David,’ obferved fome Bruifes about his 
Head, which made them fufpect he was firft 
knocked down, before he was put into the Water: 
however, they buried him near about the Place 
where he was found, without making any fur- 
ther Inquiry at prefent: neverthelefs David his 
Friend, reported thefe Things to fome Englifh at 
Taunton (a Town not far from Namajfket), occa- 
fioned the Governour to inquire further into the 
Bufinefs, wifely confidering, that as Sau/aman 
had told him, If it were known that he had re- 
vealed any of their Plots, they would murder him 
for his Pains: wherefore by {pecial Warrant the 
Body of Sau/aman being digged again out of his 
Grave, it was very apparent that he had been killed, 


107 Affawomfet Pond, in Middle- 


net Indian, and was not of Philip’s 
borough. ‘The Murder was com- 


War Party. He appears to have 


mitted on the zgth of January, 
1674-5. 


108 He was a Sogkonate or Seco- 


been forced to go into their Ranks, 
with others of his Tribe, foon after 
the War broke out. His native 
Name was Chowohumma. 


16| with the Indians in New-England. 63 


and not drowned.'9 And by a ftrange Provi- 
dence an Indian'’? was found, that by Accident 
was f{tanding unfeen upon a Hill, had feen them 
murther the faid Sau/aman, but durft never reveal 
it for Fear of lofing his own Life likewife, until 
he was called to the Court at P/imouth, or before 
the Governour, where he plainly [16] confeffed 
what he had feen. ‘The Murderers being appre- 
hended, were convicted by his undeniable Tefti- 
mony, and other remarkable Circum{ftances, and 
fo were all put to Death, being but three in 
Number; the laft of them confeffed immedi- 
ately before his Death, that his Father (one of 
the Councellors and fpecial Friends of PAikip) 
was one of the two that murdered Sau/aman, 
himfelf only looking on. ‘This was done at P/i- 
mouth Court, held in June 1674.'% Infomuch 
that PArlip apprehending the Danger his own 
Head was in next, never ufed any further Means to 
clear himfelf from what was like to be laid to his 
Charge, either about his plotting againft the Eng- 
lifh, nor yet about Sau/amans Death: but by keep- 
ing his Men continually about him in Arms, and 
gathering what Strangers he could to join with 
him, marching up and down conftantly in Arms, 


109'The Author had doubtlefs 410 His Name was Patuckfon, 
heard of the Story about the Bleed- mentioned only in this Conneétion. 
ing of the dead Bodv on its being 
touched by the Murderer, but his 111 "Two of thofe conviéted were 
good Senfe prevented his alluding hanged on the 8th of June, and the 
toit. All the Particulars are to be third ‘‘ was repriued vntil a Month 
feen in Mather’s Re/ation, with {ome be expired,” as the manufcript Re- 
Light on the Subjeét in general by cord fays. He was fhot, however, 
King James. within the Month, 


64 A Narrative of the Troubles [16 


both all the while the Court fat, as well as after- 
wards. ‘The Englifh of P/mouth hearing of all 
this, yet took no further Notice, than only to 
order a Militia Watch in all the adjacent Towns, 
hoping that P4Azip finding himfelf not likely to 
be arraigned by Order of the faid Court, the pre- 
fent Cloud might blow over, as fome others of 
like Nature had done before; but in Conclufion, 
the Matter proved otherwife; for PAz/zp finding 
his Strengh daily increafing, by the flocking of 
Neighbour-Indians unto him, and fending.over 
their Wives and Children to the Narhagan/ets for 
Security (as they ufe to do when they intend War 
with any of their Enemies,) immediately they 
began to Alarm the Englith at Swanzy, (the next 
Town to Pips Country,) as it were daring the 
Englith to begin; at laft their Infolencies grew 
to fuch an Height, that they began not only to ufe 
threatening Words to the Englith, but alfo to kill 
their Cattel and rifle their Houfes; whereat an 
Englifh-man was fo provoked, that he let fly a 
Gun at an Indian, but did only wound, not kill 
him; whereupon the Indians immediately began 
to kill all the Englifh they could, fo as on the 
24th of fune, 1675,"'* was the Alarm of War firft 


112 An Author in the O/d Indian 
Chronicle, writing at the ‘Time in 
Bofton, gives the following curious 
earlier Facts: ‘* About the zoth of 
June laft, feven or eight of King 
Philip’s Men came to Swanfey on 
the Lord’s Day, and would grind a 
Hatchet. at an Inhabitants Houfe. 


The Matter told them it was the 
Sabbath Day, and their [the Eng- 
lifhman’s] God would be very an- 
gry if he fhould let them do it. 
They returned this Anfwer: They 


knew not who his God was, and 


‘that they would do it for all him or 


his God either; From thence they 


17| with the Indiansin New-England. 65 


founded in Phmouth Colony, when eight or nine of 
the Englifh were flain in and about Swanzy: 
They firft making a Shot at a Company of Eng- 
lifh as they returned from the Affembly where 
they were met in way of Humiliation that Day, 
whereby they killed one and wounded others : 
and then likewife at the fame Time, they flew 
two Men on the High-way, fent to call a Sur- 
geon, and barbaroufly the fame Day murdered 
fix Men in and about a Dwelling-houfe in an- 
other Part of the Town: all which Outrages 
were committed fo fuddenly, that the Englith had 
no Time to make any Refiftance. For on the 
14th of the fame Month, befides Endeavours ufed 
by Mr. Brown of Swanzy, one of the Magiftrates 
of Phmouth Jurifdiction, an amicable Letter was 
fent from the Council of Phmouth to Philip, | 17] 
fhowing a Diflike of his Praétices, and advifing 
him to difmifs his ftrange Indians, and not fuffer 
himfelf to be abufed by falfe Reports concerning 
them that intended him no Hurt: but no An- 
{wer could be obtained, otherwife than threatning 
of War, which it was hoped might have been pre- 
vented, as heretofore it had been, when Things 
feemed to look with as bad a Face as then they 
did.113 However the Governour and Council of 


went to another Houfe, and took tion ;—that he fhould not Work on 
away fome Victuals, but hurt no his God’s Day, and that he fhould 
Man. Immediately they met a Man tell no Lies.”—Page 8-9. 

travelling on the Road, kept him in 
Cuftody a fhort Time, then difmitt 113 At this Point the Reader fhould 
him quietly, giving him this Cau- recur to the P/ymouth Narrative, 


N 


66 A Narrative of the Troubles [17 


Plimouth, underftanding that PAz/p continued in 
his Refolution, and manifefted no Inclination to 
Peace, they immediately fent us what Forces they 
could to fecure the ‘Towns thereabouts, and make 
Refiftance as Occafion might be: and alfo dif- 
patched away Meflengers to the Ma/ffachufets 
Governour and Council, letting them know the 
State of Things about Mount-hope: and defiring 
their fpeedy Affiftance, upon which, Care was 
immediately taken with all Expedition to fend 
fuch Supplies as were defired: But in the mean 
time two Meflengers were difpatched: to PAzip, 
to try whether he could not be diverted from his 
bloody Enterprize, fo as to have prevented the 
Mifchief fince fallen out, hoping, that as once 
before, vz, Anno 1671, by their Mediation, a 
Stop was put to the like Tragedy; fo the prefent 
War might by the fame Means have been now 
turned afide. For in the faid Year, Philip had 
firmly engaged himfelf, when he was at Bo/ton, 
not to quarrel with P/mouth until he had firft 
addreffed himfelf to the Ma/fachufets for Advice 
and Approbation: But the two Meffengers afore- 
faid, finding the Men {lain in the Road, Fune 24, 
as they were going for the Chyrurgeon, appre- 
hended it not fafe to proceed any further, con- 
 fidering alfo, that a Peace now could not honour- 
ably be concluded after fuch barbarous Outrages 


drawn up by Jofiah Winflow and See Plymouth Colony Records, x 
Thomas Hinckley. Our Author 362-5.  Mather’s Re/ation, 217- 
has too much abridged the Faéts, 222. 


18| with the Indians in New-England. 67 


committed upon fome of the neighbour Colony : 
Wherefore returning with all Speed to Bo/fon, the 
Maffachufets Forces were difpatched away with 
all imaginable Hafte, as the Exigent of the Mat- 
ter did require, {ome of them being then upon, 
or ready for their March, the reft were ordered to 
follow after, as they could be raifed. The fend- 
ing forth of which, becaufe it was the firft En- 
gagement in any warlike Preparations againft the 
Indians {hall be more particularly declared.1"4 
On the 26¢4 of ‘fune a Foot Company under 
Capt. Daniel Henchman, with a Troop under Capt. 
Thomas Prentice, were fent out of Boffon towards 
Mount Hope ; it being late in the Afternoon be- 
fore they began to March, the central Eclipfe of 
the Moon in Capric. hapned in the evening before 
they came up to Naponfet River, about twenty 
Miles from Boffon, which occafioned them to 
make an Halt, for a little Repaft, till the Moon 
recovered her Light again. Some melancholy 
Fancies would not be perfwaded, but that the 
Eclipfe falling out at that Inftant of Time [18] 
was ominous, conceiving alfo that in the Centre 
of the Moon they difcerned an unufual black 
Spot, not a little refembling the Scalp of an Jn- 
dian: As fome others not long before, imagined 
they faw the Form of an Indian Bow, accounting 


that likewife ominous (although the Mifchief 


114'The Author feems to have Reference, however, to the prefent 
forgotten the Pequot and Narragan- War with Philip. See the Book of 
fet Expeditions., He may have had the Indians, 134. 


68 A Narrative of the Troubles [18 


following was done by Guns, not by Bows) both 
the one and the other, might rather have thought 
of what Marcus Craffus, the Roman General, going 
forth with an Army againft the Parthians, once 
wifely replied to a private Souldier, that would 
have diffwaded him from marching at that Time, 
becaufe of an Eclipfe of the Moon in Capricorn, 
(That he was more afraid of Sagitarius than of 
Capricornus) meaning the Arrows of the Parthi- 
ans (accounted very good Archers) from whom, 
as Things then fell out, was his greateft Danger."5 
But after the Moon had waded through the dark 
Shadow of the Earth, and borrowed her Light 
again, by the Help thereof the two Companies 
marched on towards Woodcoks Houfe,'*® thirty 
Miles from Bofton, where they arrived next 
Morning; and there retarded their Motion till 
the Afternoon, in Hope of being overtaken by a 
Company of Voluntiers; under the Command of 
Captain Samuel Mofely, which accordingly came 
to pafs; fo as on June 28 they all arrived at 
Swanzy, when by the Advice of Captain Cud- 
worth? the Commander in Chief of Plimouth 


115 * Souldiers marched out of 
Bofton towards Mount-hope, June 
26th, and continued marching that 
Night, when there hapned a great 
Eclipfe of the Moon, which was 
totally darkned above an Hour.” 
I. Mather, Brief Hiffory, 55-6. 
How the Author could let this Oc- 
cafion flip for indulging in Remarks 
upon fupernatural Occurrences, it is 
not eafy to imagine. 


116Tt was then, or foon after, 
converted into a Garrifon, and con- 
tinued to be a noted Place for one 
hundred and thirty-three Years; at 
the End of which Period (1808) it 
was taken down and a more com- 
modious Edifice was ereéted on the 
Spot. It is in the Town of Attle- 
borough. 


117 Fle was now General (though 


18 | with the Indians in New-England. 69 


Forces, they were removed to the Head Quarters ; 
which for that Time were appointed at Mr. Miles 
his Houfe, the Minifter of Swanzy,'!® within a 
Quarter a a Mile of the Bridge leading into 
Philips Lands. ‘They arriving there fome little 
Time before Night,'9 twelve of the Troopers, 
unwilling to lofe Time, pafled over the Bridg, 
for Difcovery into the Enemies Territories, where 
they found the rude Welcome of eight or ten 
Indians firing upon them out of the Buthes, kill- 
ing one William Hammond, wounding Corporal 
Belcher,’*° his Horfe alfo being fhot down under 
him; the Reft of the faid Troopers having dif- 
charged upon thofe Indians that ran away after 
their firft fhot, carried off their two dead and 
wounded Companions, and {fo retired to the main 
Gaurd for that Night, pitching in a Barricado 
about Mr. Miles his Houfe. The Enemy thought 
to have braved it out by a bold Affault or two at 
the firft; but their Hearts foon began to fail them 
when they perceived the Ma/ffachufets and Ph- 


not actually commiffioned till fome from Wales ; was one of the Ejected 
Months later); having been ap- in 1662. Owing to the fectarian 
pointed Commander-in-Chief of the Troubles in Bofton he was forced 
Plymouth Forces. I found in the to leave fome Time before this War, 
State Paper Office, London, an ex- and fettled in Swanzey—fo named, 
ceedingly interefting Letter written I fuppofe, for Swanfea in Wales, 
by this Gentleman, a Copy of which whence Mr. Miles came. 

is In the New England Hiftorical 


and Genealogical Regifter, xiv, 101- hi JUNE 2 OU 
4, prefaced by the Editor with a 120 Andrew, Father of Gov. Jona- 
good Notice of the Author. than Belcher, it is fuppofed. What 


William Hammond this was is yet 
118 Mr. John Miles. He came uncertain. 


A Narrative of the Troubles [19 


mouth Forces both engaged againft them: for the 
next Morning’™! they fhouted twice or thrice, at 
Half a Miles Diftance, and nine or ten of them 
fhewing themfelves on this Side the Bridg: our 
Horfeman with the whole Body of the Privateers 
under Captain Mo/e/y,'*? not at all daunted by 
fuch kind of Alarms, nor willing fo to lofe the 
Bridg, ran violently down upon them over the 
faid Bridg, purfuing them a Mile and a Quarter 
on the other Side: Enfign |19| Savage,'*3 that 
young martial Spark, fcarce twenty Years of Age, 
had at that Time one Bullet lodged in his Thigh, 
another fhot through the Brim of his Hat, by ten 
or twelve of the Enemy difcharging upon him 
together, while he boldly held up his Colours in 
the Front of his Company: but the weather ~ >t 
fuffering any further Action at that Time, thu.e 
that were thus far advanced, were compelled to 
retreat back to the main Gaurd, having firft made 
a Shot upon the Indians as they ran away into a 
Swamp near by, whereby they killed five or fix of 
them, as was underftood foon after at Narhagan- 
Jet: This refolute Charge of the Englifh-Forces 
upon the Enemy made them quit their: Place on 


Mount-hope that very Night, where PAziip was 


7O 


122Some Elucidation of Mofely’s 
Company will be found in the O47 


121 June zgth. Benjamin Church 
was prefent in thefe early Affairs, 


and his Account of them, as related 
to his Son Thomas, and publifhed 
by him, fhould be read in this Con- 
nection. The Work will be often 
referred to, under the Title of E£z- 
tertaining Hiftory, See Preface. 


Indian Chronicle, 9, 10, and Hi/- 
tory and Antiquities of Bofton, 402. 
123 Perez, Son of Maj. Thomas 
Savage. He was not wounded by 
the Indians, but by the Englifh 
themfelves, in their Confufion. 


19| with the Indians in New-England. 71 


never feen after, till the next Year, when he was 
by a divine Mandate fent back, there to receive 
the Reward of his Wickednefs where he firft be- 
gan his Mifchief. The next Day Major Savage 
(that was to command in chief over the Mafa- 
chufets Forces, being come up with other Supplies 
about fix a Clock over Night,) the whole Body 
intended to march into Mount Hope, and there 
beat up the Enemies Quarters, or give him Battel, 
if he durft abide it: but the Weather being 
doubtful, our Forces did not march till near Noon, 
about which Time they fet out, with a Troop of 
Horfe in each Wing, to prevent the Danger of the 
Enemies Ambufcadoes; after they had marched 
about a Mile and Half, they pafied by fome Houfes 
newly burned: not far off one of them they found 
a Bible newly torn, and the Leaves {cattered about 
by the Enemy in Hatred of our Religion therein 
revealed; two or three Miles further they came 
up with fome Heads, Scalps, and Hands cut off 
from the Bodies of fome of the Englith, and ftuck 
upon Poles near the Highway, in that barbarous 
and inhuman Manner bidding us Defiance ;'*4 the 
Commander in Chief giving Order that thofe 
Monuments of the Enemies Cruelty fhould be 


taken down, and buried: 


124<« "They marched until they 
came to the Narrow of the Neck, 
at a place called Keekamuit, | now 
in the Town of Warren, R. I.’] 
where they took down the Heads of 
eight Englifhmen that were killed at 


the whole Body of the 


the Head of Mattapoifet Neck, and 
fet upon Poles,’——Church, 12-13. 
Thefe People were killed on the 
24th of June. See I. Mather, Brief 
Hiftory, 54. Their Names have 


not come to my Knowledge. 


72. A Narrative of the Troubles |20 


Forces {till marched on, two Miles further, 
where they found divers Wigwams of the Enemy, 
amongft which were many Things {cattered 
up and down, arguing the hafty Flight of the 
Owners; Half a Mile further, as they pafied 
through many Fields of ftately Corn, they found 
Philips own Wigwam; every Place giving them 
to perceive the Enemies hafty Departure from 
thence. After they had marched two Miles further 
they came to the Sea-fide, yet in all this Time 
meeting with no Indians, nor any Sign of them, 
unlefs of their Flight to fome other Places. The 
Seafon like to prove very tempeftuous, and rainy, 
Captain Cudworth with fome of the Men of Pd- 
mouth pafled over to Road-Ifland. ‘The Forces 
under Major Savage were forced to abide all night 
in the open Field, without any Shelter, notwith- 
ftanding the Abundance of Rain that [20] fell ; 
and in the Morning defpairing to meet with any 
Enemy on Mount-Hope, they retreated back to 
their Quarters at Swanzy, in the Way meeting 
with many Indian Dogs that feemed to have loft 
their Mafters. ‘That Night Captain Prentice his 
Troop for conyeniency of Quarters, as alfo for 
Difcovery was difmiffed to lodg at Seaconke or 
Rehoboth, a' Town within fix Miles of Swanzy. 
As they returned back in the Morning, Captain 
Prentice divided his Troop, delivering one Half 
to Lieutenant Oakes,’*5, and keeping the other 


125 Thomas of Cambridge, Bro- Harvard. College, according to Sa- 
ther of Prefident Union Oakes, of vage, in his great Diéionary. 


20] with the Indians in New-England. 73 


himfelf, who as they rode along, efpyed a Com- 
pany of Indians burning an Houfe; but could 
not purfue them by Reafon of feveral Fences, 
that they could not go over till the Indians had 
efcaped intoa Swamp. Thofe with Lieutenant 
Oaks had the like Difcovery, but with better 
Succefs, as to the Advantage of the Ground, fo as 
purfuing of them upon a Plain, they flew FOUL or 
five of them in the Chafe, herrea bone was known 
to be Thebe, 1° a sien of Mount-Hope, an- 
other of them was a chief Councellor of PAziips ; 
yet in this Attempt the Lieutenant loft one of 
his Company, Sohn Druce'*? by Name, who was 
mortally wounded in his Bowels, watered he foon 
after died, to the great Greif of his Companions. 
After the aid Troop came up to the Head Quar- 
ters at Swanzy, they underftood from Captain 
Cudworth that the Enemy were difcovered upon 
Pocafet, another Neck of Land lying over an 
Arm of the Sea, more towards Cape Cod: How- 
ever, it was refolved that a more narrow Search 


126 The fame called in the Of 
Colony Records, Peebe. His Refi- 
dence was upon a Point of Land in 
Barrington, R. IL, called Peebe’s 
Neck. It is the erricnt Sowams 
of Mourt’s Relation. See Feffen- 
. den’s Hiftory of Warren, R.1., 14. 
A writer in the Chronicle fays a 
Brother of Philip was killed at the 
fame Time. I have met with no 
other Chronicler of the Time who 
mentions the Faét; nor have I met 


O 


with the mention of a Brother of 
Philip, other than that of Wamfutta 
(Alexander), faving in one Deed 
from Philip, of Lands on both Sides 
of Palmer’s River, in 1668. To 
that Deed ‘* Sonconewhew, Philip’s 
Brother” is a Signer, and “ Peede, 
Counfellor,” 

127 He belonged to Roxbury. 
He was not killed outright, but lived 
to reach his Home, and there died 
of his Wound, 


74. <M Narrative of the Troubles 


fhould be made after them, both upon Mount- 
Hope, and upon the Ground between Swanzy 
and Rehoboth to fcour the Swamps, and affault 
them, if they could find where they were in- 
‘trenched. Captain Henchman, and Captain Pren- 
tice, were ordered to fearch the Swamps; while 
Captain Mo/e/y, and Captain Page™*® with his 
Dragoons attending on Major Savage, fhould re- 
turn back into Mount-Hope, that they might be 
fure to leave none of the Enemy behind them, 
when they fhould remove to purfue them elfe- 
where. About ten a Clock next Morning, July 
4th, Captain Henchman after a long and tedious 
March, came to the Head-Quarters, and informed 
that he came upona Place where the Enemy had 
newly been that Night, but were efcaped out of 
his Reach: But that Night before they were 
determined of any other Motion, Captain Hutch- 
infon'*? came up from Bo/ton with new Orders for 
them to pafs into Narhaganfet, to treat with the 
Sachems there, and if it might be, to prevent their 
joining with PAilip. Capt. Cudworth, by this Time 
was come up to the Head-Quarters, having left a 
Garrifon of forty Men upon Mount-hope Neck. 
The next Morning was {pent in Confultation how 
to carry on the Treaty; it was then refolved that 


| 20 


123 Nicholas Paige, as his Sur- 
name ftands to the Narraganfet 
'‘l'reaty a few Pages forward. He 
was a Bofton Gentleman whofe 
Name frequently occurs in the Hif- 
tory of the City, as well as in the 
Affairs of War 


129 Capt, Edward Hutchinfon, 
who within a Month fell mortally 
wounded at Wickabaug Pond, as 
will be found narrated hereafter, 
Additional] Facts and his Pedigree 
will be found in the Hiffory and 
Antiquities of Bofton, 406. 


21| with the Indians in New-England. 75 


they fhould go to make a Peace with a Sword in 
their |21| Hands, having no fmall Ground of 
Sufpicion that the faid Narhaganfets might joyn 
with the Enemy, wherefore, they thought it ne- 
ceflary to carry all the Ma/ffachufets Forces over 
into the Narhaganfet Country, to fight them, if 
there fhould be need; Captain Mo/e/y paffed over 
by Water to attend Captain Hutchinfon in his 
Difpatch; the other Companies with the Troop- 
ers riding round about: as they paffed, they 
found the Indians in Pophams Country (next ad- 
joining to Pdilips Borders) all fled, and their _ 
Wigwams without any People in them. 

After they came to the Narhagan/fet Sachems, 
three or four Days were fpent in a Treaty, after 
which a Peace was concluded on fundry Articles 
between the Mefflengers of Conneéticut Colony, 
(who ordered to meet with thofe of the Maffa- 
chufetts,) and the Commanders of the Forces fent 
again{t Philip: Hoftages were alfo given by the 
faid Narhaganfets for the Performance of the 
Agreement. A Copy of the faid Agreement, 
and the Articles on which a Peace was concluded, 
here follow. It being always underftood that 
Plhmouth Colony was included in the faid Agree- 
ment, although their Forces were not then 
prefent, but remained at Home near the Ene- 
mies Borders, to fecure their Towns, and oppofe 
Philip as there might be occafion, if he offered 


to make any new Attempt in the mean Time." 


13° €¢ Among other Articles, the tucke, urged that the Englifh fhould 
Narraganfetts, by their Agent, Po- not fend any among them to preach 


76 A Narrative of the Troubles | 22 


Articles, Covenants and Agreements had, made and con- 
cluded by and between Major Vhomas Savage, Captain 
Edward Hutchinfon, and Mr. Jofeph Dudley, i de- 
half of the Government of the Maflachufetts Colony, 
and Major Wait Winthrop, and Mr. Richard Smith, 
on bebalf of Conneéticut Colony on the one party, and 
Agamaug, Wompth alas Corman, Taitfon, Tawage- 
fon, Councellors and Attornies to Canonicus; Ninigret, 
Matataog, o/d Queen Quaiapen, Quananfhit and Po- 
napham the fix prefent Sachims of the whole Narhaganfet 
Country on the other Party, refering to feveral Differences 
and Troubles lately rifen between them; and fora final 
Conclufion of fetled Peace and Amity hetween the faid 
Sachims, their Heirs and Succeffors forever, and the 
Governours of the faid Maflachufetts and Connecticut, 
and their Succeflors in the faid Governments for 
ever. 

I. That all and every of the faid Sachims fhall from 
Time to Time carefully feize, and Living or Dead deliver 
unto one or other of the above faid Governments, all and 
every of Sachim Philips Subjects what/oever, that fhall 
come [22] or be found within the Precints of any of 
their Lands, and that with greateft Diligence and Faith- 
fulne/s. | 

Il. That they fhall with their utmoft Ability ufe all 
A ts of Hoftility againft the fatd Philip and his Subjeéts, 
entring bis Lands or any other Lands of the Englith, to 


the Gofpel, or call upon them to 
pray to God. But the Englifh re- 
fufing to concede to fuch an Article, 
it was withdrawn, and a Peace 
concluded.” — Gooking, Hiffory 
Praying Indians. But Mr. Gookin 
{tumbled in this Statement, as will 
be feen by comparing it with the 
Treaty. What he probably meant 


to fay was that the Engli/h endeav- 
ored to include fuch an Article in 
the Treaty, but withdrew it owing 
to the Oppofition of the Narragan- 
fetts. It is rather fingular, how- 
ever, that Potock’s name is not to 
the Treaty, as the obnoxious Ar- 
ticle was withdrawn. See OM 
Indian Chronicle, 111. 


23| with the Indians in New-England. 77 


kill and deftroy the faid Enemy, until a Ceffation from War 
with the faid Enemy be concluded by both the above faid 
Colonies. 

III. That the faid Sachims, by themfelves and their 
Agents, fhall carefully fearch out and deliver all ftoln 
Goods whatfoever taken by any of their Subjects from any 
of the Englith, whether formerly or lately, and {hall make 
full Satisfaction for all Wrongs or Injuries done to the 
Eftate of any of the feveral Colonies, according to the ° 
Fudgment of indifferent Men, in Cafe of Diffatisfattion 
between the Offendors and the offended Parties, or deliver 
the Offendors. 

IV. That all Preparations for War, or A&s of Hof- 
tility againft any of the Englifh Subjeéts, Jhall for ever 
for the future ceafe ; together with all Manner of Thefts, 
Pilferings, killing of Cattel, or any Manner of Breach of 
Peace whatfoever, shall with utmoft Care be prevented, 
and inftead thereof, their Strength to be ufed as a Gaurd 
round about the Narhaganfet Country for the Englifh 
Inhabitants Safety and Security. 

V. In Token of the above faid Sachims Reality in this 
Treaty and Conclufion, and for the Security of tke feveral 
Englith Governments and Subjects, they do freely deliver 
unto the above faid Gentlemen, in the behalf of the above 

faid Colonies John Wobequob, Weowthim, Pewkes, 
Weenew, four of their near Kin/men and choice Friends, 
to be and remain as Hoftages'3! in feveral Places of the 
Englith Furi/dictions, at the appointment of the Honour- 
able Governours, of the above faid Colonies, there to be 
civilly treated, not as Prifoners, but otherw ife at their 
Honours Difcretion, until the above faid Articles are fully 
accomplifhed to the Satisfattion of the feveral Governments, 
the Departure of any of them in the mean Time to be ac- 
counted Breach of the Peace, and thefe prefent Articles. 


131 What became of thefe Hoftages does not appear. 


78 A Narrative of the Troubles [23 


VI. The faid Gentlemen in Behalf of the Governments 
to which they do belong, do engage to every the faid 
Sachims and their Subjeéis, that if they or any of them 
Shall feize and bring into either the above faid Englifh 
Governments, or to Mr. Smith, /nbabitant of Narhagan- 
fet, Philip Sachim alive, he or they fo delivering, fhall re- 
ceive for theirPains, forty Yrucking-cloth Coats ; zm Ca/e 
they bring his Head, they fhall have twenty like good 
Coats paid them : for every living Subject of faid Philips 
Jo delivered, the Deliverer Shall receive two Coats, and for 
every Head one Coat, as a Gratuity for their Service 
herein, making it appear to Satisfaction, that the Heads or 
Perfons are belonging to the Enemy, and that they are of 
their Seizure. [23] — 

VII. The faid Sachims do renew and confirm unto the 
Englifh Inhabitants or others, all former Grants, Sails, 
Bargains or Conveyances of Lands, Meadows, Timber, 
Gra/s, Stones, or whatfoever elfe the Englifh have hereto- 
fore bought or quietly poffefed and enjoyed, to be unto them, 
and their Heirs, and Affigns for ever ; as alfo all former 
Articles made with the Confederate Colonies. 

Laftly, Lhe faid Councellors and Attorneys do premedi- 
tately, ferioufly, and upon good Advice, Covenant, Conclude 
and Agree all abovefaid folemny, and call God to witne/s 
they are, and fhall remain true Friends to the Englifh 
Government, and perform the above faid Articles punttu- 
ally, ufing their utmoft Endeavours, Care and Faithful- 
nels therein: In Wautnels whereof they have fet their 
Hands and Seals. | 


Petaquanfcot Fuly 15, 1675. 


Signed, Sealed and Deliv- Tawage/on his Mark C. 
ered in the Prefence of TYayt/on his Mark D. 
us Underwritten, being gamaug his Mark T. 


23] with the Indians in New-England. 79 


carefully interpreted to Wamp/h, alias Corman his 
the faid Jndians before Mark X, 
fealing. 

Daniel Henchman. 

Thomas Prentice. - 

Nicholas Paige. 

Tofeph Stanton Interpreter. 

Henry Hawlaws. 

Pocot Bukow. 

Fob Neff.*3? 


During this Treaty of Peace with the Narha- 
ganfets, Captain Cudworth with the Forces of P/- 
mouth under his Command, found Something to 
do nearer Home, though of another Nature as it 
proved, /c. to make War whilft the other were 
_ (as they thought) making Peace: in the firft 
Place therefore he difpatched Captain Fuller 
(joyning Lieutenant Church together with him 
in Commiffion) with fifty in his Company to 
Pocaffet, on the fame Account, as the other went 
to Narhagan/fet, either to conclude a Peace with 
them, if they would continue Friends, and give 
Hoftages for the Confirmation thereof, or fight 
them if they fhould declare themfelves Enemies, 
and join with Pip ; himfelf intending to draw 
down his Forces to Rehoboth, to be ready for a 
{peedy March to Taunton, and {fo down into the 
other Side of the Country; upon the News that 
fome of the Enemy were burning and {poiling 


132 Thefe three laft Names re- who accompanied the Commif- 
prefent friendly Indians, doubtlefs, fioners as guides. 


80 A Narrative of the Troubles [ 24. 


of Middleburrough and Dartmouth, two {mall vil- 
lages. lying in the Way | 24] betwixt Pocaffet and 
Plimouth. Upon Thurfday, July 7,'33 Captain 
Fuller with Captain Church went into Pocaffet to — 
feek after the Enemy, or elfe as Occafion might 
ferve to treat with thofe Indzans at Pocaffet, with 
whom Mr. Church was very well acquainted, al- 
ways holding good Correfpondence with them. 
After they had fpent that Day and moft of the 
Night, in traverfing the faid Pocaffet Neck, and 
Watching all Night in a Houfe which they 
found there, yet could hear no Tidings of any Jn- 
dians ;infomuch that Captain Fuller began to be 
weary of his Defign: Mr. Church in the mean 
while affuring him, that they fhould find Indians 
before it were long: yet for greater Expedition 
they divided their Company, Captain Fuller tak- 
ing down towards the Sea-fide, where it feems 
after fome little Skirmifhing with them, wherein 
one Man only received a fmall Wound,'3+ he 
either faw or heard too many Indians for himfelf 
and his Company to deal with, which made him 
and them betake themfelves to an Houfe near the 
Water-fide, from whence they were fetched off 
by a Sloop before Night to Road I/land. Captain 
Church (for fo may he well be ftiled after this 
Time) marched further into the Neck, imagining 
that if there were Jndians in the Neck they fhould 


133 Tf they went on the 7th of but in his ufual difregard of Dates, 
July, that was Wednefday. The 134 Church, p. 47, Edition 1827, 
Affair is particularly detailed by fays two of Fuller’s Men were 
Church in the Extertaining Hiffory, wounded. 


24.| with the Indians in N. ew-England. 81 


find them about a Peaf-field not far off; as foon 
as ever they came near the faid Field, he efpied 
two Indians in the Peafe, who alfo had at the 
fame Time efpied him, and prefently making 
fome kind of Shout, a great Number of Indians 
came about the Field, purfuing the faid Capt. 
Church and his Men in great Numbers to the 
Sea-fide: there being not above fifteen with 
Church, yet feven or eight Score of the Indians 
purfuing after them. Now was a fit Time for 
this young Captain™$5 and his fmall Company to 
handfel their Valour upon this great Rout of Jn- 
dians, juit ready to devour them: But Victory 
{tands no more in the Number of Soldiers, than 
Verity in the Plurality of Voices: and although 
fome of thefe fifteen had fcarce Courage enough 
for themfelves, yet their Captain had enough for 
himfelf, and fome to fpare for his Friends, 
‘which he there had an Opportunity of improving 
to the Full. When he faw the Hearts of any of 
his Followers to fail, he would bid them be of 
good Courage and fight ftoutly, and (poffibly by 
fome divine Impreffion upon ,his heart) affured 
them that not a Bullet of the Enemy fhould hurt 
any of them, which one of the Company, more 
difmayed than the reft, could hardly believe, till 
he faw the Proof of it in his own Perfon; for the 


185 Mr Church was thirty-fix fcription on his Monument. - See 
Years of Age, according to the In- his Life in Extertaining Hiftory. 


R 


82. A Narrative of the Troubles | 25 


Captain perceiving the Man was not able to fight, 
made him gather Rocks together for a kind of 
Shelter and Barricado for the reft, that muft either 
of neceflity fight or fall by the Enemies. It 
chanced as this faint hearted Soldier had a flat 
Stone in his Arms, and was carrying it to the 
Shelter that he was making |25] upon the Bank, 
a Bullet of the Enemy was thus warded from his 
Body, by which he elfe muft have perifhed, which 
Experience put new Life into him, fo as he fol- 
lowed his Bufinefs very manfully afterwards ; in- 
fomuch that they defended themfelves under a 
{mall haftily made up Defence, all that Afternoon, 
not one being either flain or wounded, yet it was 
certainly known that they killed at leaft fifteen 
of their Enemies: and at the laft, when they had 
fpent all their Ammunition, and made their 
Guns unferviceable by often firing, they were 
fetched all off by Capt. Go/dings'3® Sloop, and car- 
ried fafe to Road-Ifland in defpight of all their 
Enemies; yea, fuch was the bold and undaunted 
Courage of this Champion, Capt. Church, that he 
was not willing to leave any Token behind of 
their flying for want of Courage, that in the 
Face of his Enemies he went back to fetch his 
Hat, which he had left at a Spring, whither the 


135 Captain Roger Goulden or 
Golding of Rhode-Ifland. In O€- 
ober of the following Year, Pli- 
mouth Colony granted him one 
hundred Acres of Land at Seconet, 
he having, fay the Records, ‘* ap- 


proved himfelf to be our conftant, 
reall Friend in the late Warr.”— 
Though a prominent Inhabitant of 
New-England his Name is -not in 
the great New-England Gen. Dic- 
tionary. 


24.| with the Indians in New-England. 83 


extream Heat of the Weather, and his Labour 
in fighting had caufed him to repair for the 
quenching of his ‘Thirft an hour or two before.137 
It feems in the former Part of the fame-Day, five 
Men coming from Road-I/land, to look up their 
Cattel upon Pocaffet Neck, were aflaulted by the 
fame Indians,and one of the five was Capt. 
Churches Servant, who had his Leg broke in the 
Skirmifh, the Reft hardly efcaping with their 
Lives: this was the firft Time that ever any mif- 
chief was done by the Indians upon Pocaffet Neck. 
Thofe of Road-Ifland were hereby alarmed to 
look to themfelves, as well as the Reft of the 
Englifh of Phmouth, or the Maffachufets-Colony. 
This Affault rather heightned and increafed, 
than daunted the Courage of Capt. Church ; for 
not making a cowardly Flight, but a fair Retreat, 
which Providence offered him by the Sloop 
aforefaid, after his Ammunition was {pent, he did 
not {tay long at Road-Ifland, but hafted over to 
the Ma/ffachufet Forces, and borrowing three 
Files of Men of Capt. Henchman with his Lieu- 
tenant, Mr. Church and he returned again to 
Pocaffet, where they had another Skirmifh with 
the Enemy, wherein fome few of them, fourteen 
or fifteen were {flain, which ftruck fuch a Terror 
into Php, that he yenoate himfelf to the Swamps 
about Pocaffet, where he lay hid till the Return of 


137 This Battle was fought ina ‘Territory, now the fouth Part of 
Peaf-field ata Place called by the Tiverton. The Author probably had 
Indians, Punkateefet, a confiderable his Account from Church himfelf. 


84. A Narrative of theTroubles [26 


the Reft of the Forces from the Narhaganfets, 
like a wild Boar kept at Bay by this {mall Party, 
till more Hands came up. 

Thus were the Phmouth Forces bufied, during 
the Time of the Treaty with the Narhagan/ets, 
which being iffued as it was. 

On Friday Fu/y 15, Our Forces marched for, 
and arrived at Rehoboth, where haveing no inteli- 
gence of the Enemy nearer than a great Swamp 
on Pocaffet, eighteen Miles from ‘Taunton ;138 
they munehed next day twelve Miles to a Tote 
at Matapoifet (afmall Neck of Land in the bot- 
tom [26] of Taunton Bay, in the mid Way be- 
tween Mount-Hope and Pocaffit Neck) from 
whence they marched for Yaunton, Fuly 17, 
whither after a tedious March of twenty Miles 
they came in the Evening, and found the People 
generally gathered into eight Garrifon Houfes: 

On Monday Fu/y 18, they marched eighteen 
Miles before they could reach the Swamp where 
the Enemy was lodged: as foon as ever they 
came to the Place, P/imouth Forces being now 
joined with them, our Soldiers refolutely entred 
in amongft the Enemies, who took the Advan- 
tage of the thick Underwood, to make a Shot at 
them that firft entred, whereby five were killed 


outright, feven more wounded, fome of whofe 


133 Tt was feven Miles in Extent, fively. It may be explained by 
according to our Author, but I prefuming that the flat Country 
know of no fuch Extent of fwamp lying between Plymouth and Nar- 
Territory in that Region, and I raganfet, generally full of Brake and 
have traveled there pretty exten- other Fern, is to be underftood. 


.26]| with the Indians in New-England. 85 


Wounds proved mortal: After the firft Shot, the 
Enemy prefently retired deeper into the Swamp, 
deferting their Wigwams (about an hundred in 
all) newly made of green Barks, fo as they would 
not burn: in one of them they found an old Man, 
who confeffed that Péz/zp had been lately there: 
having {pent fome Time in fearching the Swamp ; 
and tired themfelves to no Purpofe (yet it was 
faid, one Half Hour more would have at that 
Time utterly fubdued PAzip and all his Power), 
the Commander in Chief (Night drawing on 
apace) not thinking it Safe to tarry longer in fo 
dangerous a Place (where every One was in as 
much Danger of his Fellows as of his Foes, being 
ready to fire upon every Bufh they fee move 
(fuppofing Indians were there)'39 ordered a Re- 
treat to be founded, that they might have Time 
to difpofe of their dead and wounded Men, 
which accordingly was attended : Phmouth Forces 
who had entred the Rear, retreating in the Front. 
It was judged, that the Enemy being by this 
Means brought into a Pound, it would be no 
hard Matter to deal with them, and that it would 
be Needlefs Charge to keep fo many Companies 
of Soldiers together to wait upon fuch an incon- 
fiderable Enemy, now almoft as good as taken: 


139 «*Qur Men when in that Mather, Brief Hiffory, 62.—It is 
hideous Place, if they did but feea faid that the Indians encafed them- 
Bufh ftir, would fire prefently, felves in green Boughs, and thus 
whereby it is verily feared they did deceived their Purfuers. Their De- 
fometimes unhappily fhoot ee vice of ftalking is well known. See 
Men inftead of Indians.’—I. C. Mather, in Brief Hiffory, 63. 


86 A Narrative of the Troubles | 26 . 


whereupon moft of the Companies belonging to 
the Maffachufets were drawn off, only Capt. 
Henchman with an hundred Foot being left 
there, together with Plimouth Forces, to attend 
the Enemies Motion, being judged fufficient for 
that End."4#°Major Savage, Capt. Pazge with Capt. 
Mofely and their Companies, returned to Bofton : 
Capt. Prentice with his Troop were ordered to- 
ward Mendham, where it feems about the middle 
of “fu/y** fome Indians, withing well to Pézhps 
Defign, had made an Affault upon fome of the 
Inhabitants, as they were at their Labour in the 
Field, killing five or fix of them : as foon as they 
had done, flying away into the Woods, fo as they 
could not eafily be purfued: The Inhabitants of 
the fame Village, lying fo in the Heart of the 
Enemies Country, began to be difcouraged, fo as 
within alittle Time after they forfook the Place, 
abandoning their Houfes to the Fury of [27] the 
‘Enemy, which by them were foon after turned 
into Afhes. But to return to King PAi/ip, who 


140 The Army Tranfaétions thus 
far are pretty fharply criticifed by 
Capt. Church, and apparently with 
Juftice. And probably his frank 
and honeft outfpoken Manner will 
explain why he was not fooner in 
important Commands, 


141 July 14th, according to Dr. 
I. Mather, who writes the Name 
of the Town Mendam, and adds, 
*“had we mended our ways as we 
fhould have done, this Mifery 
might have been prevented !” 


It is faid five or fix Perfons were 
killed, in the Attack on Mendon, 
but we have the Name of only one 
of them, namely Richard Poff. 
He lived on the Road from Men- 
don towards Sherburne, and a 
Portion of that Way, though long 
fince difcontinued, yet bears the 
Name of Pof?’s Lane. Mendon 
was called Nipmug Plantation, but 
its Indian Name was QOuinfbepauge. 
See Barber’s Hi/ft. Colls. 584 — 
Other Particulars a few Pages 


forward, alfo Zable No. 8. 


27| with the Indians in New-England. 87 


was now lodged in the great Swamp upon Po- 
caffet- Neck, of feven Miles long : Capt. Henchman 
and the Plmouth Forces kept a diligent Eye upon 
the Enemy, but were not willing to run into the 
Mire and Dirt after them in a dark Swamp, 
being taught by late Experience how dangerous 
itis to fight in fuch difmal Woods, when their 
Eyes were muffled with the Leaves, and their 
Arms pinioned with the thick Boughs of the 
Trees, as their Feet were continually fhackled 
with the Roots f{preading every Way in thofe 
boggy Woods. It is ill fighting with a wild 
Beaft in his own Den. They refolved therefore 
to ftarve them out of the Swamp, where they 
knew full well they could. not long fubfift. To 
that End they began to build a Fort,’# as it were 
to beleaguer the Enemy, and prevent his Efcape 
out of the Place, where they thought they had 
him faft enough. P/zip in the mean Time was 
not ignorant of what was doing without, and 
was ready therein to read his own Doom, {o as if 
he tarried much longer there, he knew he fhould 
fall into their Hands, from whom he could ex- 
pectno Mercy. The Cafe being therefore def- 
perate, he refolved with an hundred or two of 
his beft fighting Men to make an Efcape by the 
Water, all Paflages by the Land being fufficiently 
gaurded by the Englifh Forces. The Swamp 


142 Tt was probably to this Cir- Nobody, while they were building 
cumftance that Church alludes in a Fort for Nothing,”—£zt. Hz/. 
this Paflage,—*The Army now p. 7. Our Author is remarkably 
lay ftill to cover the People from careful not to criticife Officials. 


88 A Narrative of theTroubles [27 


where they were lodged being not far from an 
Arm of the Sea, coming up to Taunton, they 
taking the Advantage of a low Tide, either 
waded over one Night in the End of ‘fu/y, or elfe 
wafted themfelves over upon {mall Rafts of 'Tim- 
ber very early before Break of Day,'#3 by which 
Means the greateft Part, of the Company efcaped 
away into the Woods, leading into the Nipmuck 
Country, altogether unknown to the Englifh 
Forces that lay encamped on the other Side of 
the Swamp. About an hundred or more of the 
Women and Children, which were like to be 
rather Burdenfom than Serviceable, were left 
behind, who foon after refigned up themfelves to 
the Mercy of the Englifh. Phzips Efcape thus 
from Pocaffet could not long be concealed after 
the Day appeared, there being much cham- 
paign Land through which he was to pafs, fo as 
being difcovered to fome of Rehoboth, the Inhabi- 
tants prefently followed him, together with a 
Party of the Mohegans™+ (that a little before 


143 "There was probably no Place 
where the River could have been 
forded below the Bridge which 
ftands, or formerly ftood, at the 
Head of Tide-water in Taunton. 
It is very likely, therefore, that the 
Indians croffed at or not far above 
the fince celebrated Dightan Rock, 
now in the Town of Berkley, on 
fuch rude Rafts as they could fit up 
from Drift-wood confined together 
by Withs, always at Hand upon 
Margins of Streams. 


144 About the 26th of July, 50 


Mohegans belonging to Uncas, 
with three of his Sons, arrived in 
Bofton. ‘They were under Oneko, 
the oldeft Son, and were all armed 
with Guns, They came by Way 
of Natick, and were accompanied 
by two Englifhmen, and feveral of 
the praying Indians of -that Place. 
They brought a Letter to Governor 
Leverett and the Council from Mr. 
James Fitch of Norwich, informing 
them that Uncas had fent them to 
fight for the Englifh.—Gookin, 
Hif?. Praying Indians. 


28] with the Indians of New-England. 89 


came to Boj/ton, offering their Service againft 
Philip, and were fent up into thofe Parts to be 
ordered by Capt. Henchman, but before they came 
to him were eafily perfwaded to go along with 
any of the Englifh that were engaged in the 
Purfuit of Pip.) News alfo thereof was car- 
ried to Capt. Henchman, who as foon as he could 
get over with fix Files of Men's (rowing hard 
all or moft Part of the Day to get to Provi- 
dence)"*° followed after the Enemy. [28] The 
Mohegins with the Men of Rehoboth, and fome of 
Providence, came upon their Reer over Night, 
flew about thirty of them, took much Plunder 
from them, without any confiderable Lofs to the 
Englifh.'47 Captain Henchman came not up tothem 
(purfuing them only by the Traét) till the 
Skirmifh was oyer ; and having marched twenty 
two Miles that Day, was not well able to go any 
further that Night; on the other Hand, the 
Forces that came from Refoboth, and that be- 
longed to Phmouth, haying left their Horfes three 


145 Capt. Henchman was _ fta- 
tioned ina Garrifon on Pocaffet. 
His ‘‘ fix Files” confifted of 68 
Men. 


. 146'The Diftance rowed could 
not have been much fhort of 
twenty Miles. ‘They then had to 
march fome feven or eight Miles to 
reach the Plymouth Forces near 


Rehoboth Plain. 
Q 


147'The Force which purfued 
Philip confifted of fome ten Men 
from Taunton, 34 from Provi- 
dence, and 30 from  Seakonk. 
Thefe with the Mohegan and Na- 
tick Indians made up the Number 
to 128. ‘The Indians marched 
from Bofton under the Conduét of 
Quarter-mafter Thomas Swift.— 
Hift. Praying Indians. See alfo Capt. 
Thomas’ Letter, Brief Hi/?., 227. 


gO A Narrative of the Troubles [28 


Miles off, could not go back to fetch them with- 
out much lofs of Time; and therefore looking at 
it altogether bootlefs to go after them in the 
Morning, returned back the next Day, leaving 
Capt. Henchman with his fix Files, and the Mo- 
begins to purfue the Chafe to Nip/achet,’** which 
he did the next Morning. Captain Henchman, 
that he might the better engage the Mobegins to 
march with him thirty Miles, gave them half his 
Provifion, and was himfelf recruited again by the 
Care of Capt. Edmunds,49 of Providence; and 
Lieutenant Brown,'5° who brought Provifion after 
him to the Nipmuck Forts. Mr. Newman the 
Minifter of Rehoboth deferved not a little Com- 
mendation for exciting his Neighbors and Friends. 
to purfue thus far after PAz/p, animating of them 
by his own Example and Prefence :'5' But what 
the Reafon was why Philip was followed no fur- 
ther, it is better to fufpend, than too critically 
enquire.'5* ‘This is now the third Time when a 


148 Tn the prefent Town of Bur- War began. A Gentleman of 


rillville, R. I. See Parfons’s Indian 


Names. 


149 Captain Andrew Edmunds or 
Edmonds. ‘Though he feems to 
have rendered important Services 
in this War, very little is faid of 
him. Even his Chriftian Name 
does not appear in the Hifory of 
Rhode-Ifland. 


150 Probably Mr. John Brown, 
‘f who lived near Philip ” when the 


good Standing and Connections. — 
See Blifs’s Hif?. Rehoboth, 78. 

15! "The Rev. Noah Newman. 
M: S. C. Newman, a Native of 
Rehoboth, Antiquary and Geneal- 
ogift of Rhode-Ifland, is a De- 
{cendant, and has given a Newman 
Pedigree in his Hifforical Oration 
of 1860. Ses p. 62-68. 


152"There was as great a Feeling 
of Difappointment and Chagrin 
that Philip was allowed to efcape, 


29| with rhe Indians in New-England. 91 


good Opportunity for fupprefling the Rebellion 
of the Judians, was put into the Hands of the 
Englifh; but Time and Chance hapneth to all 
Men, fo that the moft likely Means are often 
fruftrated of their defired End. All humane en- 
deavours fhall arrive at no other Succefs, than 
the Counfel of God hath preordained, that no 
Flefh might glory in their own Wifdom, but 
give unto God the Praife of all their Succeffes, 
and quietly bear whatever mifcarriages he hath 
ordered to befall them. It appears by the Iffue 
of thefe Things, that although this Wound was 
not incurable, yet much more Blood mutt be 
taken away before it could be healed. - But by 
this Means Pdz/ip efcaped away to the Weftward, 
kindling the Flame of War in all the Weftern 
Plantations of the Ma/fachufets Colony wherever 
he came; fo that by this fatal Accident, the fire 
that was in a likely Way to be extinguifhed, as 
foon almoft as it began, did on the fudden break 
out through the whole Jurifdiction of the Ma//a- 
chufets, both Eaftward and Weftward, endanger- 
ing alfo the neighbour Colony of Connecticut, 
which hath alfo fuffered fomewhat by the Fury 
of this Flame, though not confiderable to what 
the other Colonies have undergone. 

While Things after this Manner proceeded in 
and about the Colony of Phmouth, and Commif- 
fioners of the Reft of the Colonies were con- [29] 


as we have feen in our Time, when mitted to efcape after the Battle of 
the defeated Rebel Army was per- Antietam. 


92 A Narrative of the Troubles | 29 


fulting and advifing what was to be done for pre- 
venting the Mifchief threatned from f{preading 
any further, fearing (as indeed there was too 
much Caufe) that though PAP only appeared 
to make the firft Attempt, yet more either already 
were, or foon might be purfwaded to joyn with 
him in acting this bloody Tragedy. 

It hath already been declared what hath been 
done for fecuring of the Narhagan/ets: thofe that 
were fent as Meflengers on that Errand, always 
reported that the elder People were in Appear- 
ance, not only inclinable to Peace, but feemed 
very defirous thereof, infomuch as their two old- 
eft Sachems exprefled much Joy when it was 
concluded; but as fince hath appeared, all this 
was but to gain Time, and cover their treacher- 
ous Intents and Purpofes, that they might in the 
next Spring fall upon the Englifh Plantations all 
at once, as fome Prifoners lately brought in hath 
owned and confeffed; nor have any of thofe Jn- 
dians with whom the prefent War hath been, 
ever regarded any Agreements of Peace made 
with the Englifh, further than out of Neceffity 
and flavifh Fear they were compelled thereunto, 
as may be feen by the Records of the United 
Colonies, from the Year 1643, to the prefent 
Time, notwithftanding all their fair Pretences ;153 


for Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Narhagan/ets, 


153 'This 1s quite an Acknowledg- Nature does not feem to have been 
ment of the Invalidity of ‘Treaties as well underftood by the Authori- 
with the Indians, but their fham ties as by the Hiftorian. 


29| with the Indians in New-England. 93 


who alone of all the reft of that Country-Sachems 
difowned the prefent War, and refufed to have 
any Hand therein, yet it was proved to his Face 
before the Commiffioners, in the Year 1646 and 
1647, that he had threatned that he would carry 
on the War againft the Mo/egins, whatever were 
the Mind of the Commiffioners, and that they 
would kill the Englifh Cattel, and heap them up 
as high as their Wigwams, and that an Englifh 
man thould not ftir out of his Doors to Pifs, but 
they would kill him; all which they could not 
deny ; yet did this old Fox make many Promifes 
of Peace, when the Dread of the Englifh, ever 
fince the Peguod-War, moved them thereunto; 
forefeeing, as he is faid to have told his Neigh- 
bours, that they would all be ruined if they made 
War with the Englith, as is fince come to pafs.'54 
However the good Hand of God was feen in fo 
ordering Things, that the Narhagan/ets were for 
the Prefent reftrained from breaking out into 
open Hoftility againft the Englifh at that Time 
‘when Pdilip began: which if they had then done, 
according to the Eye of Reafon, it would have 
been very difficult, if poflible, for the Englith to 
have faved any of their inland Plantations from 


being utterly deftroyed. Thus hath God in his 


154 Notwithftanding the Leaning 
of this Paffage is a little prejudicial 
to the Character of Ninigret, he was 
a valuable Ally to the Colonifts. 
He was Chief of the Nianticks, a 
Tribe of the Narraganfets, and, 


with Miantonimo felt deeply the 
Wrongs of his Nation, but was too 
politic to allow thofe Wrongs to be 
the Caufe of hisown Ruin. Inthe 
Book of the Indians will be found 


much concerning him. 


94 <A Narrative of the Troubles [30 


Wifdom fuffered fo much of the Rage of the 
Heathen to be let loofe againft his People here, 
as to become a Scourge unto them, that by the 
Wrath of Men, Praife might be yielded to his 
holy Name, yet hath he in his abundant Good- 
nefs reftrained the Remainder that it fhould not 
confume. 

[30] The next Thing in Order to be related, 
is the Calamity that befel the Village of Brooke- 
field, which notwithftanding all the Care that was 
taken, fell into the Hands of the perfideous Nzp- 
net Indians, as fhall here in the next Place be 
declared; only as we pafs along to remind the 
Reader in a few Words, what was the Iffue of 
Captain Henchmans Purfuit of Philip: the Plimouth 
Forces being returned Home, as was faid before, 
Captain Henchman with his fix Files of Men, and 
the Mohegin Indians, having continued in the 
Purfuit of PAz/zp till they had {pent all their Pro- 
vifion, and tired themfelves, yet never coming 
within Sight of PAdip, the Mobegin Indians in 
their Company, directed them to Mendham, and’ 
then leaving them, returned alfo to their own 
Country. Captain Henchman in his March to- 
wards Mendham or at Mendham, met with Captain 
Mofely coming up to bring him Provifion, and 
advertifing him of what Succefs he had met with- 
all in the Purfuit; they altered their Courfe, for 
Captain Henchman was fent down to the Govern- 
our and Council to know what they fhould do: 
they prefently remanded him to Poca/fet, and or- 


_30| with the Indians in New-England. | 95 


dered him to ftay there if there were need, or 
elfe to draw off, furrendering the Fort he had 
been building, to Phimouth Forces, which laft was 
chofen by thofe of P/mouth ; when upon Captain 
Henchman returning to Bs/fton, was ordered to dif- 
band his Men. Capt. Mo/ely was ordered to 
march to Quabaocg or Brookfield, where he con- 
tinued a while, the other Captains fent up for the 
Relief of the People there, and to feek after the 
Enemy in thofe Woods, and after fome Time 
{pent in ranging the Country thereabouts, and 
not meeting with any of the Infidels, he with his 
Company came downwards, fearching the Woods 
betwixt Lancafter (where a Man and his Wife 
with two Children were flain on the Lords Day 
Aug. 22.) and Malbcrough, where alfo a Lad keep- 
ing Sheep, was fhot at by an Judian that wore a 
Sign, as if he had been a Friend :'55 the Indian was 
fuppofed to belong to the Haffanemefit Indians, at 
that Time confined to Malberough, where they 
had Liberty to dwell ina Kind of Fort. The 
next Day the Inhabitants fent to demand their 
Guns; Captain Mofely acquainted therewith, 


155 There were eight Perfons lard in Rolandfon’s Narrative, 20. 


killed at Lancafter on the 22d of 
Auguft, while our Author feems to 
have heard of but four. Their 
Names are George Bennet, William 
Flagg, Jacob Farrar, Jofeph Wheel 

er, and Mordecai McLeod, with 
his Wife and two of their Children. 
They were killed in different Parts 
of the Town. See’ Whitney’s Hi/- 
tory of Worcefter County, 37. Wil- 


**'Thofe feven that were killed at 
Lancafter upon a Sabbath Day, and 
the one that was afterwards killed 
upon a Week Day, were flain and 
mangled in a barbarous Manner, by 
One-eyed-John and ‘Marlborough’s 
Praying Indians, which Capt. Mofely 
breught to Bofton, as the Indians 
told me.’ Mrs. Rowlandfon, Nar- 
rative, p. 6, ed. Bofton, 1805. 


96 A Narrative of the Troubles [31 


marched to the Fort, and found much Sufpicion 
again{t eleven of them, for Singing and Dancing, 
and having Bullets and Slugs, and much Powder - 
hid in their Bafkets; infomuch that eleven of 
them were fent down Prifoners to Boffon upon 
Sufpicion that they had an Hand in Killing the 
four at Lancafter, and Shooting at the Malberough 
Shepherd: But upon Tryal the faid Prifoners 
were all of them quitted from the Fad, and were 
either releafed, or elfe were with others of that 
Sort, fent for better Security, and for preventing 
future Trouble in the like kind to fome of the 
Iflands below Bo/fon towards Nanta/fket.15° 

[31| About this Time Capt. Mo/e/y, was fent 
with a Company of Soldiers to fome Indian Plant- 
ations up Merzmack River, as high as Penny-cock, 
but they found no Seen there; thofe that be- 
longed to the Place having ee iketace themfelves 
from their native Place, that they might not 
meddle in the prefent Quarrel, as is confidently 
believed, that Woonalanfet the Sachim of that 
Country had refolved.157 That Coaft being clear 
of the Enemies, Capt. Mo/e/y foon after was fent 


156 A Lift of thofe Indians, from 
original MS. Memoranda, captured 
and fent to Bofton by Mofely, 
may be feen in the Book of the In. 
dians, p. 265. Two of the moft 


ing Indians. Mofely’s Company 
confifted’of 100 Men. They burnt 
the Wigwams and deftroyed the 
Provifions of Woonalanfet’s Men, 
but that Chief would not allow his 


noted were Old Jethro and James- 
the-Printer. * 

157 A Sequel of the firft Authority 
to this Expedition will be found in 
Gen. Gookin’s Hiffory of the Pray- 


Men to attack Mofely, which they 
might have done with Succefs from | 
their Ambufhments ; and fome of 
them requefted to be permitted to 
do fo. 


30 | with the Indians in New-England. 97. 


up with his Men to the Towns Weftward about 
Hadly,5* if it might be, to fubdue the Enemy: 
who a little before and at that Time, was doing 
all the Mifchief he could in thofe Weftern Plant- 
ations, both by Fire and Sword. 

But to return and purfue the Rebellious Indians, 
and keep Pace with them in our Hiftory, though 
our Forces as yet could never overtake them in 
the Woods. ‘The Governour and Council of the 
Maffachufets were fenfible of as much Danger 
' from the Nipner- Indians, as from the former: 
they being the inland Part of the Country be- 
twixt the Sea-coaft and Connecticut River Wett- 
ward, and the Towns about the Ma/ffachujets Bay 
Eaftward ; whereupon fome Perfons that ufed to 
Trade wich the faid Nipnets, were fent to found 
them, and find how they ftood affected, for which 
alfo there was the more Reafon, Heche they 
were always in Subjection to the Sachim of Mount- 
Hope, and fo were the more like to engage in the 
prefent Quarrel, of which there had been fuffi- 
cient Proof already: When on the 14¢4 of Fuly, 
fome of the Nzpuet Indians next bordering on 
Philips Country, fet upon fome of Mendham, (a 
Town {fcituate Northward from Mount Hope, 
within 36 Miles from Boffon), where they killed 
four or five Perfons, which was the firft Mifchief 


153 Mofely was at Nafhua, or as to ferve under Capt. Beers (by 
he writes it—Na/Zowab—on the Order of Maj. Willard), then on 
16th of Auguft. He was then on his March for Springfield. Mofely’s 
his Pennacook Expedition, as at this Letter in Mather’s Brief Hi/fory, 
Point he detached 26 of his Men Appendix, 240, 241. 


R 


98 A WNarrativeof the Troubles [32 


done upon any of the Inhabitants within the Ju- 
rifdiction of the Maffachufets,59 aéted as was faid 
by one Matoonas, who was Father to him that 
committed a Murder foon after PAz/eps firft Re- 
bellion, Az. 1671.°° The Meffenger that was 
fent thither, brought Word back, that they found 
the faid Indians wavering ; the young were very 
Surly and Infolent, the elder ones fhewing fome 
Inclination to maintain the wonted Peace: Soon 
after, ‘fuly 28, 1675, Capt. Wheeler was fent to 
affiftt Capt. Hutchinfon, with a Party of twenty 
Horfe to treat further about the Peace; who 
going firft to Quabaog or Brookfield, a'Town {citu- 
ate about fixty or feventy Miles from Bo/fon in 
the Road of Conneéticut, lying about 25 Miles 
from the faid River, and not far diftant from the 
chief Seat of the Nzpnet Indians ; the Inhabitants 
of the faid Brookfield had been fo deluded by thofe 
treacherous Villians, that they fearing no Danger, 
firft obtained of thofe Nzpmets the Promife of a 
Treaty upon the fecond of uguff, whereupon 
fome of the Chief of the Town riding along un- 
harmed | 32| with the faid Wheeler and Hutchin- 
jon, with their Party of Horfe, until they came to 
the Place appointed; and finding no Indians, fo 
fecure were they, that they ventured along fur- 
ther to find the Infidels at their chief Town, 
never fufpecting the leaft Danger, but when they 
had rode four or five Miles that Way, they fell 


pel DCeEdeir, aoe lide ticulars of which are fully detailed 
160'This has Reference to the from original Manufcripts in the 
Murder of Zachary Smith, the Par Book of the Indians, 263-4. 


- 


32 | with the Indians in New-England. 99 


into an Ambuth of two or three hundred Jndians, 
laid in fuch a narrow Paflage, betwixt a fteep 
Hill on the one Hand, and an hideous Swamp on 
the other, that it was fcarce poflible for any of 
them to efcape; eight of them being fhot down 
upon the Place (whereof three were of Brookfie/d) 
and three mortaily wounded, whereof Capt. Hutch- 
infon was one. Capt. Wheeler was allo near lofing 
his Life, whofe Horfe was fhot down under him, 
and himfelf fhot through the Body, fo that all 
Manner of Hopes .to efcape had been removed 
from him, had it not been for his Son, who was 
(by Gods good Providence) near or next unto 
him, being a Man of undaunted Courage (not- 
withiftanding his own Arm was broken with a 
Bullet, yet) with great nimblenefs and agility 
of Body difmounting himfelf, {peedily mounted 
his Father upon his own Horfe, himfelf getting 
upon another, whofe Mafter was killed, by which 
Means they both efcaped, and were afterwards 
cured. Much ado had thofe that were left alive 
to recover Brookfield, which in all Probability 
they had never done, (the common Road being 
waylaid with Indians on every Side, as was after- 
wards known,) had it not been for one’ well 
acquainted with thofe Woods, who led them ina 
By-path, by which Means they got thither a little 
before the Indians, who quickly came flocking 


'01'That ome was a Praying In- Gookin’s Account of the unfortu- 
dian, and it is prefumed that Mr. nate Expedition to Quabaog, or 
Hubbard could hardly have been Brookfield, and Capt. Wheeler’s 
ignorant of the Faét. See Gen. Narrative 


100 4 Narrative of the Troubles [33 


into the Town, with full Intent to deftroy it with 
Fire and Sword. But by fpecial Providence the 
Inhabitants were all gathered to the principal 
Houfe of the Village (there being fcarce twenty 
in the Town) before the barbarous Mifcreants 
came upon them, immediately fetting Fire upon 
all the dwelling Houfes with moft of the other 
Buildings in the Town, fave that one into which 
the Inhabitants were retired, the which they 
feveral Times attempted to burn, but were almoft 
miraculoufly defeated in their Purpofe by the 
immediate Hand of God. In the Mount of the 
Lord iu fhall be feen. For when they had for two 
Days affaulted that poor Handful of helplefs 
People, both Night and Day pouring in Shot 
upon them inceffantly with Guns, and alfo thruft- 
ing Poles with Fire-brands, and Rags dip’d in 
Brimftone tied to the Ends of them to fire the 
Houfe; at laft they ufed this devellith Strategem, 
to fill a Cart with Hemp, Flax and other com- 
buftible Matter, and fo thruft it back with Poles 
together fpliced a great Length, after they had 
kindled it; But as foon as it had. begun to take 
Fire, a Storm of Rain unexpectedly falling, put 
[33] out the Fire, or elfe all the poor People, 
about feventy Souls, would either have been con- 
fumed by mercilefs Flames, or elfe have fallen into 
the Hands of their cruel Enemies, like Wolves 
continually yelling and gaping for their Prey.‘ 


162 Capt. Thomas Wheeler, fo a Narration of it which was printed 
confpicuous in this Difafter, wrote the fame Year of its Occurrence 


33 | with the Indians in New-England. 101 
Thus was that diftrefled Company ftrangely 


delivered, who have for ever Caufe to fay with 
the Pfalmift, Bleffed be the Lord, who hath not given 
us a Prey to their Teeth: our Soul is efcaped as a 
Bird out of the Snare of the Fowlers; the Snare ts 
broken, and we are efcaped. For the next Night 
Major Wellard,'®*3} by Accident hearing of the 
Danger the People were in, came with forty eight 
Dragoons to their Relief. The Occafion which 
brought Major Willard and Capt. Parker'®+ of 
Groton with forty fix more fo timely to their 
Relief, was this: Major Willard in purfuance of 
his Commiffion from the Governour and Council, 
was upon Wednefday, -dugufi the 4r4 in the 
Morning, marching out after fome Indians to the 
Weftward to fecure them; juft as they were fet- 
ting forth, fome of Malberough, who had inteli- 
gence by thor that were going to Connecticut, 
and forced to return, what diftrefs Brookfield was 
in, and knowing of Major Willard’s Purpofe to 
go out that Morning from Lancaj/ier, fent a Poft 
to acquaint him therewith, which though it did 
not find him in the Town, yet overtook him be- 


Brookfield, was one of the moft 


(1675:, in a Quarto Pamphlet— 


now fo rare that I know of but one 
Copy. Itis reprinted in the fecond 
Volume of the Collections of the 
N. H. Hiftorical Society. The 
Account in our Narrative isan Ab- 
ftract of it. The Autograph of 
Capt. Wheeler is in the Hi/fory and 
Antiquities of Bofton. 

163 Major Simon Willard. The 
Night March for the Relief of 


gallant Achievements of the War, 
of which War the Major did not 
live to fee the Clofe; dying at 
Charleftown, on the 24th of April 
following (1676). 

164 James Parker, an early In- 
habitant of that Town. His Name 
ftands firft on the Lift of its Pro- 
prietors. See Butler’s Hiffory of 
Groton, 26, 421. 


102 A Narrative of the Troubles [33 


fore he had gone above four or five Miles from 
the Place, whereupon, conceiving it more need- 
ful to Succour Brookfield in fo eminent Danger, 
than to proceed further upon his intended Defign; 
he altered his Courfe, and marched direétly 
thither, being about thirty Miles'®s diftant when 
the Tidings were brought him; fo he arrived there 
that Night very feafonably, about an Hour after 
it was Dark, or elfe in Probability they had all 
perifhed before the Relief fent up from Boffon 
could have reached them, which was not till three 
Days after. ‘The Providence of God likewife in 
bringing in the faid Major fo fafely, as well as 
feafonably to their Relief, was very remarkable. 
For the Indians had fubtilly contrived to cut off 
all Relief fent, before it could come at them, by 
laying Ambuthes, and placing their Scouts at two 
or three Miles diftance round the Town: About 
an hundred of them were lodged at an Houfe not 
far off in the Way toward Bo/fon, to cut off any 
Succour that might come from thence: but it is 
fuppofed they were fo intenfe upon the Project 
they were about for firing the Houfe, concluding 
it would without fail take place, that either they 
did not mind their Bufinefs of watching, or 
making fuch a Noife for Joy thereof, that they 
did not hear their Sentinels when they fhot off 


165 Dr. Cotton Mather favs the not all the Way, the aétual Diftance 
Diftance was 39 Miles. As the could notbe known. The Dr. copied 
Way was through a denfe primeval Hubbard, very nearly. See I. Ma- 
Foreft, by Indian Paths, moft, if ther, Brief Hiffory, 70. 


34.| with the Indians in New-England. 103 


their Guns, at two Miles diftance.'% It is faid 
that another Party of the Indians, let the Major 
and his Company purpofely pafs by them, with- 
[34| out any Oppofition, waiting for the Blow 
to be given at their firft Approach near the 
Houfe, then to have themfelves fallen upon their 
Rear, and fo to have cut them all off, before 
the Befieged underftood anything thereof. But 
it pleafed God fo to order Things in Provi- 
dence, that no Notice was taken of them by the 
Befiegers, nor were they at all difcerned by them, 
till they had made themfelves known to their 
Friends, and were admitted within the Court of 
Gaurd ; which when the Enemy had Notice of, 
they poured in their Shot abundantly upon them, 
but they were now fheltered from the Danger 
thereof: only it feems their Horfes were expofed 
to their Fury, fo as many of them were maimed 
and killed, as were moft of the Cattel belonging 
to the Inhabitants of the Place foon after. This 
honored Perfon, Major Wi//ard, continued at Brook- 
field after this famous Exploit, for the prefervation 
of the poor Befieged at Brookfield, divers Weeks, 
to order fuch Companies as were fent up that 
Way for the fecuring of the Plantations on that 
Side of the Country ; and not long after he went 


165 Here is a ftriking Inftance of 
a Loofenefs of Indian Difcipline. 
Nothing but this, it would feem 


niacs encompafling them. The 94 
Men under Willard could have 
coped with any Number of the In- 


from the Hiftories of the Affair, 
faved the poor People in Brookfield 
from the very Jaws of the Demo- 


dians in open Field, but were no 
Match for four or five Times his 
Number in the Woods. - 


104 A Narrative of the Troubles» | 34 


himfelf alfo to Had/y upon the like Service of the 
Country in the prefent War. But after fome 
Time {pent in thofe Parts, he returned back to 
his own Place, to order the Affairs of his own 
Regiment, much needing his Prefence, and leav- 
ing the Forces about Had/y under the Command 
of the Major of that Regiment.'® 

But to return to what was in Hand before; after 
the Indians underftood that Succours were come 
in to the Befieged, they fired all that they had left 
ftanding for their own Shelter while they had 
_ befieged the Place before mentioned, ran all away 
into their own Dens, in the neighbouring Woods; 
however it was confefled by one of themfelves, 
that the Enemy had eighty of their Men killed 
and wounded in this Bufinefs.'°* But ere we pafs 
any further in Purfuit of the Hiftory of thefe 
Matters, it will not be amifs to let the Reader 
underftand the horrible perfidious and treacher- 
ous Dealing of thefe Nzpuet Indians, who of all 
other had the leaft Reafon as to any Pretence of 
Injury, yet did moft deceitfully and barbaroutly 
joyn with Pdiip and his Indians, after they had 
been feveral Times fent unto by the Governour 
and Council of the Ma/ffachu/fets, by the Advice 
of Plimouth, to have prevented their Rifing as well 


167 Probably Major John Pinchon, _ to half that Number, as they fought 
of Springfield. But the Author an- behind Screens generally. Captives 
ticipates Events. feldom gave reliable Accounts, but 

rather fuch as they fuppofed would 
168Tt is hardly to be fuppofed  pleafe thofe into whofe Hands they 
that their Lofs could have amounted _ fell. 


35| withthe Indiansin Ni ow-England 105 


as the Rifing of the Narhaganfets, and alfo had 
faithfully promifed not to meddle in the Quarrel, 
as may more fully appear by the Engagement 
under the Hands of their Sachims; fome Time 
before Capt. Hutchinfon and Capt. Wheeler were 
fent up to them which by Reafon of the Hafte 
and Unikillfulnefs of the Meffengers on that 
Behalf fent, is not fo fit for public View :'% 
but the Account of it from their Return [35] 
under their Hand and Oath, Fuly 24. 75, when 
Lieut Ephraim Curtice fpake with five of the 
Nipnet Sachims,'7? four too many to govern fo 
{mall a People: but lying upon the Head of the 
principal Indian Territories, they were divided 
into fo many fmall Parties, two of whom, viz. Sam 
Sachim of We/bacum, and Netaump, '7* were execut- 
ed together afterward at Boffon. All of them did 
at that Time folemnly renew their Covenant and 
Promife under their Hands to come to Bo/fon to 
fpeak further with the Governour, inftead of 
which, what they perfidioufly did againft Capt. 
Hutchinfon and others, hath already been declared. 


159 T have not been able to fatisfy 
myfelf who the ‘* unfkillful Meffen- 
gers” referred to were. Probably 
Ephraim Curtice may have been 
one of them, and Daniel Champney 
another. See Gookin’s Hi/fory of 


Praying Indians. 


179 Tt would not be difficult to 
enumerate twice five Nipnet Sa- 
chems; but it is more difficult to 
affign to each his Sachemdom, as 
they generally had different Places 


S 


of Refidence, often to fuit the Seafon 
of the Year. "There was Mawtump, 
of Quabaog (Brookfield); Ufeuta- 
gun (Sagamore Sam), of Wefhacum 
(Lancafter) ; Sagamore John, of 
Pawtufket (Chelmsford); Old- 
Jethro (Tautamous); of Mufketaquid 
(Concord); Matoonas, of Paka- 
choog (Brookfield) ; Monoco (One- 
eyed John), of Nafhua (Lancatter). 


171 The fame called Mautamp or 
Mawtamp, in other Accounts. 


106 A Narrative of the Troubles [35 


Upon the Report of this fad Difafter that Befel 
the Inhabitants of Brookfeld, Forces were fent up 
under the Command of Capt. Lothrop and — 
others, to purfue after thofe Indians harbouring 
about thofe Places, and-if it might be, to prevent 
them from joyning with the Indians upon Con- 
necticut River, who as yet had not difcovered 
themfelves as willing to efpoufe Pézips Interett, 
but rather made fome Semblance to the-Con- 
trary. There was much Time {pent by Major 
Willard, and feveral Companies of Soldiers left 
under his Command, about the Nzpuet Country, 
but all to no Purpofe ; for partly by the Treach- 
ery of fome of the Jndians that came to their 
affiftance, that feemed to favour the Englith, but 
rather acted in behalf of the Enemy, partly by 
the Subtilties of the Enemies themfelves, who 
could eafily by their Scouts difcern the Approach 
of our Soldiers, and by the Nimblenefs of their 
Feet, efcape them: Our Soldiers could never 
meet with any of them, but only by that Means 
driving them further Weftward, they gathered 
allthe Indians they could to their Party about 
Pecomptuck, alias Dearfield, Swam/fcot,'”” and Sgua- 
keag,'73 where were fome Plantations of the 
Englifh newly began, whom they affaulted in 
the next Place, and did what Mifchief they could 


upon them. 


172 Perhaps the famous Falls in Squakheag. The Traét was granted 
the Connecticut, now called Turn- before Philip’s War, but did not 
er’s Falls, receive the Name of Northfield till 

'73 Northfield. Sometimes fpelt fome Time after. 


36| with the Indians in New-England. 107 


It is here to be noted, that although that 
worthy Patriot and experienced Soldier Major 
Willard, hearing of the diftrefs of Brookfield by 
Some that were travelling to Connecticut, was the 
firft that relieved the diftrefled People Ne Quabaog 
or Brookfield, yet Major Pinchon of Spring field alfo 
by Accident hearing of their Calamity, had not 
only fent Word thereof to Hart/ord (from whom 
he received a Supply of five and twenty or thirty . 
Soldiers under Capt. Wats)'74 but did alfo fend a 
Band of Men under Lieut. Cooper,'75 (who was 
afterwards villanoufly flain by Springfield Indians,) 
who with thofe fent from Harfford, and fome 
Indians belonging to Spring field (feemingly for- 
ward to help the Englifh) made up four Score or 
thereabouts; thefe marched down to Brookfield 
the fame Day that Capt. Lothrop and Capt Beers 
came up from the [36] Ma/fachufets, who hav- 
ing fpent fome Time in fearching the Woods 
about Spring field, and finding none of the Indians, 
did the next Day march up to a Place Paled 
Meminimiffet'’® by the Indians, where Capt. Hutch- 
infon and Capt. Wheeler were aflaulted, and find- 
ing no Sign of any Indians amongft thofe Woods 


174 Capt. Thomas Watts.—Co- See Mather, Brief Hit ,97,98.— 
fonial Records of ConneGicut, ii, Other Particulars a few Pages on- 
346, where his Orders from the ward. 

Council of Conneéticut may be feen. 
176[n Brookfield near Wicka- 

(75 Lieut. Thomas Cooper be- bang Pond. A Name fpelt a great 
longed to Deerfield. He was killed many different Ways, as may be 
in pafling from one Garrifon to feen ina Note to Mather’s Brief 
another, Oét 5, following, (1675.) Hiffory, 236. 


108 A Narrative of the Troubles | 36 


and Swamps, the Company that came from 
Spring field \ett the other Soldiers (who returned 
to their Quarters at Brookfield) and went up 
themfelves further Northward, at leaft twenty 
Miles from the faid Brookfield; and finding no 
Track of Indians in all thofe Woods, they re- 
turned back to Spring field, leaving enough to 
defend the People of Brookfield, and the Garrifon 
there. 

By this it appears, that the Indians by this oc- 
cafion were driven more Weftward into the 
Woods between Hadly and Squakeag, where they 
foon eftected their Defign, viz. to leaven the In- 
dians on that Side the Country with the fame 
Prejudice and Malice againft the Englith, with 

which they themfelves were (though without 
- Caufe) imbittered; for in a few Days, the De- 
vice took place amongft Hadly and Dearfield In- 
dians, and was prefently put in Execution by the 
faid Indians, withdrawing from the Englith, 
and aflifting PAzp and the Niépuets, to fpoil 
and deftroy all the Towns Weftward, as foon 
after came to pafs: yet at the Firft, fome of the 
Hadly Indians pretended real Friendfhip to the 
Englith, and offered themfelves to fight againft 
Philip ; but the Mohegin Indians that came after- 
ward from Hartford, began to fufpect the Treach- 
ery of the other, and told the Englifh plainly, 
that no good would be done, while any of that 
Company went along with them in Purfuit of 
the Enemy ; for as was faid, they would always 
give fome Shout when they came near the Ene- 


-37| with the Indians in New-England. “109 


my, as if they fhould thereby with them to look 
to themfelves ; infomuch that the faid Hadly In- 
dians fell into great Sufpicion with the Englith, 
and for a Proof of their Fidelity, they were re- 
quired to bring in their Arms to the Englifh, but 
upon that Motion they delayed a little, but that 
very Night they fled away from their Dwellings, 
which was in a wooden Fortification, within a 
Mile of Hatfield, whereby they plainly difcov- 
ered that they had fecretly plotted to joyn with 
Philip's Party, as far as they had an Opportunity 
to do them any eminent Service: Some think 
the Englifh failed in Point of Prudence, not 
managing that Bufinefs fo warily as they might, 
which if they had done, their Defection had been 
prevented ; but it is moft probable that PAzip 
had hired them to own his Quarrel, by fending 
them Gifts in the Spring; and that the Body of 
the faid Indians were mott readily inclined there- 
unto: But the Sachims and the elder Ones of 
them, feemed loth at firft to engage againft the 
Englifh. In conclufion, when they had fo | 37| 
falfly left their Dwellings, and were running after 
Philip and the Nipnet Indians (at that Time har- 
boured in thofe Woods) the Englifh were fo 
provoked, that were under Capt. Lothrop and 
Capt. Beers, that they purfued after them very 
early the next Morning, and overtook them about 
ten Miles above Hatfield at a Place called Sugar- 
Loaf Hill, and had a {mall Skirmifh with them, 
wherein there were nine or ten of the Englith 


110. )©6- A Narrative of the Troubses | 37 
flain, and about twenty fix Indians :77 yet the 
Reft efcaped, and fo joyned with Péip and his 
Company; prefently after which Accident, they 
were fo emboldened, that upon the firft of Sep- 
tember, about feven Days after, they fet upon 
Dearfield, killed one Man‘? and laid moft of the 
Houfes in Afhes. About two or three Days 
after they fell upon Sguakeag, another new Plant- 
ation, fifteen Miles higher up the River, above 
Dearfield, where they killed nine or ten of the 
People, the Reft had efcaped into the Garrifon 
Houtfe.'79 

The next Day,™° this Difafter not being 
known, Capt. Beers, for Fear of the Worft, with 
thirty fix Men, was fent up to the faid Sqguakeag, 
with Supplies both of Men and Provifion, to fe- 


177 This was on Auguft 26th.— 
“‘ After a while, our Men, after 
the Indian Manner, got behind 
Trees and watcht their Opportuni- 


179 According to Mr. Ruflell, 
before cited, this Affair happened 
on the 25th of Auguft, which is no 
doubt correct. Mr. Hubbard was 


ties to make Shots at them. ‘The 
Fight continued about three Hours. 
We loft fix Men upon the Ground, 
though one was fhot in the Back by 
our own Men, a Seventh died of 
his Wounds coming Home, and two 
died the next Night, nine in all, of 
nine feveral Towns, every one loft 
a Man.”—Letter of the Rev. John 
Ruffell of Hadley, in Mather’s 


Brief Hiftory, 77. 


17° James Eglefton. — Williams’ 
Redeemed Captive, Appendix, 152, 
edit., 1800. He was killed while 
looking for his Horfe.—Brief Hi/- 
tory, 78 


confufed in regard to the various 
Encounters. ‘I'he Names of thofe 
killed are Azariah Dickinfon, James 
Lewis, Samuel Mafon, Richard- 
Fellows, John Plummer, Mark Pit- 
man, Jofeph Pearfon [Parfons] 
Matthew Scales and William 
Cluffe.—Ruffell in Coffin’s New- 
bury, 389. 


150 Auguit 26.—Gen. Hoyt, 4z- 
tiquarian Refearches, 103-4, has 
gone over thefe Events with the 
Eye of a Soldier, and added fome 
Facts refpecting Localities. He has 
not been able to give Dates, pes 
fo important. 


.37| with theIndians in N ew-England. 111 


cure the {mall Garrifon there; but before they 
came very near to the Town, they were fet upon 
by many hundreds of the Indians out of the 
Bufhes by the Swamp-fide, of whom Capt. Beers 
(who was known to fight valiantly to the very 
laft) with about twenty of his Men,‘ were by 
this fudden Surprifal there flain, the Reft flying 
back to Hadly. Here the barbarous Villians 
fhowed their infolent Rage and Cruelty, more 
than ever before, cutting off the Heads of fome 
of the Slain, and fixing them upon Poles near the 
Highway ; and not only fo, but one (if no more) 
was found with a Chain hooked into his under 
Jaw, and fo hung up on the Bow of a Tree, (’tis 
feared he was hung up alive) by which Means 
they thought to daunt and difcourage any that 
might come to their Relief, and alfo to terrifie 
thofe that fhould be Spectators with the Behold- 
ing fo fad an Object: infomuch that Major Treat 
with his Company, going up two Days after, to 
fetch off the Refidue of the Garrifon, were {ol- 
emnly affected with that doleful Sight, which 
made them make the more Hatte to bring down 
the Garrifon, not waiting for any Opportunity 
to take Revenge upon the Enemy, having but an 
hundred with him, too few for fuch a Purpofe. 
Capt. ppleton going up after him, met him 
coming down, and would willingly have per- 


18tTt will be feen, that in his inthe Town of Northfield, and 
Table, No. 11, the Author found knownas Beers’s Plain, to this Day, 
the exaét Number to be 19. ‘The and an Eminence to which he re- 
Place where the Fight happened is treated, as Beers’s Mountain. 


112. AWNarrative of the Troubles [38 


fwaded them, to have turned back, to fee if they 
could have made any Spoil upon the Enemy ; but 
the greateft Part advifed to the Contrary, fo that 
they were all forced to return with what they 
could carry away, leaving the Reft for a Booty to 
the Enemy, who fhall ere long pay a fad Reck- 
oning for their Robberies and Cruelties, in the 
[38| Time appointed ; but the fufferings of the 
Englifh were not as yet come to their Height: 
for after they were come to Hadly, the Com- 
mander in Chief'®? taking Counfel with the 
Officers of the Soldiers, ordered them that were 
then prefent to garrifon the Towns about; fome 
to be at Northampton, Hatfeld, Dearfield, and 
fome to remain at Hadly where were the Head 
Quarters of the Englifh. But perceiving that 
little Good was to be done upon the Enemy in 
thofe Parts, it was agreed that what Corn was 
left at Dearfield, being threfhed out as well as 
they could in thofe Tumults (about three thou- 
fand Bufhels was fuppofed to be there ftanding 
in Stacks) fhould be brought to MHadly, and 
wait further Time to fight the Enemy. It 
came to C. Lothrops Turn, or rather it was his 
Choice with about eighty Men to gaurd feveral 
Carts laden with Corn, and other Goods; the 
Company under Capt. Mo/e/y then quartering at 
Dearfield intended that Day to purfue after the 


162 Tt is not certain who ismeant infer that Gen. Hoyt confidered he 
by the * Commander-in-Chief.” I was Major Treat. 


38 | with the Indians in New-England. 113 


Enemy. But upon September 18, that moft fatal 
Day, the Saddeft that ever befel New-England, as 
the Company were marching along with the 
Carts (it may be too fecurely) never apprehend- 
ing Danger fo near, were fuddenly fet upon, and 
almoft all cut off (not above feven or eight efcap- 
ing); which great Defeat came to pafs by the 
unadvifed Proceeding of the Captain (who was 
himfelf flain in the firft Affault) although he 
wanted neither Courage nor Skill, to lead his 
Souldiers : but having taken up a wrong Notion 
about the beft Way and Manner of fighting with 
the Indians (which he was always wont to argue 
for) wz. that it were beft to deal with the Indzans 
in their own Way, /c. by {kulking behind Trees, 
and taking their Aim at fingle Perfons, which is 
the ufual Manner of the Indzans fighting one with 
another; but herein was his great Miftake, in 
not confidering the great Difadvantage a fmaller 
Company would have in dealing that way witha 
greater Multitude; for if five have to deal with 
one, they may furround him, and every one to 
take his Aim at him, while he can level at but 
one of his Enemies at a time: which grofs Mif- 
take of his, was the Ruine of a choice Company 
of young Men, the very Flower of the County of 
Effex, all called out of the Towns belonging to 
that County, none of which were afhamed to 
fpeak with the Enemy in the Gate: their dear 
Relations at Home mourning for them, like Ra- 
chel for her Children, and would not be comforted, 
gh 


L14 A Narrative of the Troubles [39 


not only becaufe they were not, but becaufe they 
were fo miferably loft.%3 (The like Miftake was 
conceived tobe the Reafon of the Lofs of the 
former Perfons, flain with the faid Lothrop, pur- 
fuing the Indians that ran away from Hadly, and 
the twenty flain with Capt. Beers Men, who be- 
took themfelves at firft to their Trees, and at the 
lafta few got to their Horfes foon after their 
Captain was |39| fhot down.) For had he or- 
dered his Men to march in a Body, as fome of 
his Fellow-commanders advifed, either backward, 


or forward, in Reafon they had not loft a Quarter 
of the Number of thofe that fell that Day by the 


Edg of the Sword. 


183 «* Taft Year (1835) a fplen- 
did Celebration was held at Bloody 
Brook, in Commemoration of the 
Event, and an Oration was _pro- 
nounced by our Prince of Orators, 
the prefent Governor of this Com- 
monwealth, His Excellency Epwarp 
Everett, LL. D.” Note in the 
Book of the Indians, 216. Alas, 
the eloquent Lips of the great Ora- 
tor are ftill in Death! It is juft 
thirty-one Years fince I placed in 
his Hands in my own Library cer- 
tain rare Books which he defired to 
coniult in making up his Addrefs. 
Thirty Years from that ‘Time [ at- 
tended his Funeral, which has juft 
taken place. And here is a fitting 
Place for a few prophetic Words 
which he uttered at the Clofe of that 
Addrefs: ‘* Ages fhall pafs away ; 
the majeftic Tree that overfhadows 


us fhall wither and fink before the 


For the Indians, notwith-' 


Blaft, and we who are now gathered 
beneath it, fhall mingle with the 
honored Duft we eulogize, but the 
‘ Flowers of Effex’ fhall bloom in un- 
dying remembrance ; and with every 
Century, thefe Rites of Commemo- 
ration fhall be repeated as the Lapfe 
of ‘Time fhall continually develope, 
in rich Abundance, the Fruits of 
what was done and {fuffered by our 


Fathers.” Bloody Brook Addre/s, 
37° 

On the fame Occafion Mrs. Sig- 
ourney fang of the vanifhed Red 


Race: 


“Where are thofe Warriors, red and grim, 
Who from the Thicket {prang, 

And aim’d their deadly Weapons fure 
And mocked the Torture-pang ? 

Where are thofe flying Forms, that lov’d 
The bounding Deer to trace, 

And ftay the funward Eagle’s Flight ? 
Where is that foreft Race?” 


39| with the Indiansin New-England. 115 


ftanding their Subtilty and Cruelty, durft not look 
an Engl/bman in the Face in the open Field, nor 
ever yet were known to kill any Man with their 
Guns, unlefs when they could lie in wait for him 
in an Ambufh, or behind fome Shelter, taking 
Aim undifcovered; fo that although it was judged 
by thofe that efcaped, that there was feven or 
eight hundred Jndians at leaft that encountered 
that Company of eighty of Engl/b ;"** yet if they 
had kept together in a Body, and fought march- 
ing, they might have efcaped the Numbers of the 
Enemy, with little Lofs in comparifon of what 
they fuftained. For the valiant and fuccefsful 
Captain Mofely, and his Lieutenant,'*5 coming 
(though too late) to their Refcue, marched through 
and through that great Body of Indians, and yet 
came off with little or no Lofs in Comparifon of 
the other. And having fought all thofe Indians for 
five or fix Hours upon a March, loft not above two 
Men all that while,"®® nor received other Damage 
except that eight or nine were wounded, who 


184 The Locality and furrounding 
Country of that great Difafter are 
given with Minutenefs by Gen. 
Hoyt in his Refearches, 109. He 
being a Refident of Deerfield, and 
familiar with the Town and adja- 
cent Country, his Statements are no 
doubt ftriétly accurate. 


185 "There were two Lieutenants, 
John Pickering of Salem, and Perez 
Savage of Bofton, both mentioned 
by the Author prefently. I remem- 


ber inquiring of my late eftimable 
Friend, John Pickering of Bofton, 
the able and learned Lexicographer, 
if he knew who this Lieut. Pickering 
was? He informed me that he was 
his Anceftor, and that he was the 
fixth Generation from the Lieuten- 
ant. 

186 Mofely had with him feveral 
of his old Privateers, fome of whofe 
favage Butcheries are noticed in the 
Book of the Indians, and the Ap- 
pendix to Mather’s Brief Hiftory. 


116 A Narrative of the Troubles 139 


were carried to their Quarters at Night at Hatfield, 
“ whereas if thefe had proceeded in the fame Way 
of Fighting as Captain Lothrop did in the Morn- 
ing, they might have been furrounded, and fo 
have been ferved as the former were; but God 
had otherwife determined in his fecret Council, 
and therefore that was hid from the one, which 
was a Means to preferve the other Company. 
Other Relief was alfo feafonably fent in, vzz.a 
Company of Englifh and Mohegin or Pequod In- 
dians'*7 under the Command of Major Treat, who 
was in the Morning marching another Way, wz. 
up toward Sguakeag to feek after the Enemy that 
Way, with about an hundred Soldiers, /ndians and 
Englifh, upon whofe Approach, the Enemy, pretty 
well acquainted by this laft Encounter with the 
Valour of the Exgi/b, immediately went clear 
away, giving Major Treat and Captain Mo/ely, who 
returned to Dearfie/d that Night, an Opportunity 
to bury the Slain the next Day. As Captain 
Mofely came upon the Ludians in the Morning, he 
found them ftripping the Slain, among{ft whom 
was one Robert Dutch,'®® of. Ip/wich, having been 


187'The Affiftance of thefe In- inthe prefent War,” &c. Colonial 


dians is nowhere duly acknowledged. 
They were under the Chief ¢ta- 
wambood, the third Son of Uncas. 
He ufually went under the Name of 
Fofoua. Hewas ‘*Commiflionated” 
by the Council of Conneéticut, on 
the 24th of Auguft (1675). The 
Council remarking upon his ‘‘ Readi- 
nefs to be ferviceable to the Englifh 


Records of Conn. Mr. Pynchon had 
urged the Employment of Friendly 
Indians, and on the 8th of Septem- 
ber, 1675, wrote to Gov. Leverett 
refpecting it. ° See his Letter in 
Appendix to the Brief Hiffory, 242. 


'8 Heis noticed by Savage, who 
fays ‘ he was Son of Oiman Dutch, 


40] with the Indians in New-England. 117 


forely wounded by a Bullet that rafed to his Skull, 
and then mauled by the Indian Hatchets, was 
left for dead by the Sa/vages, and ftript by them 
of all but his Skin; yet when Capt. Mo/e/y came 
near, he almoft miraculoufly, as one raifed from 
the Dead, came towards the Engii/h, to their no 
{mall Amazement; by whom being received and 
cloathed, he was carried off to the next Garrifon, 
and is [40] living and in perfect Health at this Day. 
May he be to the Friends and Relations of the 
Reft of the Slain an Emblem of their more per- 
fect Refurrection at the laft Day to receive their 
Crowns among the Reft of the Martyrs that have 
laid down and ventured their Lives, as a Tefti- 
mony to the Truth of their Religion, as well as 
Love to their Country. 

This fore Defeat of Capt. Lothrop and his Men, 
was the more to be lamented, in that (falling out 
fo foon after two other’? of the like Nature) it fo 
emboldened the Enemy, that they durft foon 
after adventure upon confiderable Towns, though 
well garrifoned with Soldiers, and gave them 
Occafion of moft infolently braving the Garrifon 


at Dearfield the next Day,'?° hanging up the Gar- 


it is faid;” that his Father was of doubtlefs had his Account from 


Gloucefter, who died Dec. 1684, 
aged 100 or more, “as with greater 
Confidence than Probability is faid.” 
But moft of this Dubioufnefs is dif- 
pelled in Mr. Babfon’s Hiffory of 
Gloucefter, 73. A curious Story is 
told in the O/d Indian Chronicle, 
29, about the way in which Dutch’s 
Life was faved. Mr. Hubbard 


Dutch himfelf, and is therefore en- 
tirely reliable. 

159 The Difafters of Sugar-loaf- 
Hill and Muddy Brook (fince called 
Bloody Brook). 

190 Sept. 19th. ‘This Affair pro- 
bably took place after Mofely had 
marched to the Relief of Capt. 
Lothrop. 


118 A Narrative of the Troubles [40 


ments of the Englifh in Sight of the Soldiers, 
yet on the other Side of the River. However, it 
pleafed God, who is always wont to remember 
his People in their low Eftate, to put fuch a Re- 
ftraint upon them, that when they pafied very 
near the garrifon Houfe at Dearfie/d (wherein were 
not left above twenty feven Soldiers), their Captain 
ufing this Stratagem; to caufe his ‘Trumpet to 
found, as if he had another Troop near by to be 
called together, they turned another Way and 
made no Attempt upon the Houfe where that 
{mall Number was, which if they had done with 
any ordinary Refolution, fo {mall a Handful of 
Men could hardly have withftood the Force of 
fo many hundreds as were then gathered together. 

What Lofs the Enemy fuftained by the Refift- 
ance of Capt. Lothrop and his Men (who no 
doubt being all refolute young Men, and feeing 
they fhould be forced by the hard Law of the 
Sword to forego their Lives, held them at as high 
a Rate as they could,) is not certainly known. It 
hath fince been confefled by fome of the Indians 
themfelves, that they loft 96 of their Men that 
Day. Capt. Mo/elys Men coming fuddenly upon 
them when they were Pillaging of the Dead, 
fell upon them with fuch a {mart Affault, that 
they drove them prefently into a Swamp, follow- 
ing them fo clofe, that for feven Miles together, 
they fought them upon a March, charging them 
through and through. Perez Savage, and Lieu- 


tenant Pzckerig, his Lieutenants, deferving no 


41| with the Indians in New-England. 119 


little Part of the Honour of that Day’s Service, 
being fometimes called to lead the Company in 
the Front, while Capt. Mo/e/y took a little Breath, 
who was almoft melted with labouring, com- 
manding, and leading his Men through the Midft 
of the Enemy.’9 

The Indians gathered together in thofe Parts, 
appearing fo numerous, and, as juftly might be 
fuppofed, growing more confident by fome of 
their late Succeffes, and the Number of our Men 
being after this fad Rate diminifhed, Recruits alfo 
not being fuddenly to be ex] 41 |pected, at fo great a 
Diftance as an hundred Miles from all Supplies, 
the Commander in chief with the Officers, faw a 
Neceffity of flighting that Garrifon at Dearfield, 
imploying the Forces they had to fecure and 
{trengthen the three next,Towns below upon 
Connecticut River. And it was well that Counfel 
was thought upon; for now thofe wretched 
Caitiffs begin to talk of great Matters, hoping 
that by Degrees they might deftroy all the Towns 
thereabouts, as they had already begun; their 
Hopes, no doubt, were not a little heightened 
by the Acceffion of the Springfield Indians to 
their Party, who had in Appearance all this Time 


191 Mofely’s Battle with the In-  Conteft and fled in all Diredtions. 


dians was a drawn one. That 
Officer was retreating, leaving them 
Matters of the Field, when he was 
met by Major Robert Treat with 
his Conneéticut Men and Indians 
under Attawamhood, above 100 in 
all. ‘The Indians then gave up the 


When they firft met Mofely they 
thought they would have an eafy 
Conqueft,— dared him to come 
on, and added, ‘* You feek Indians, 
you want Indians—here’s Indians 
enough for you.” Letter of the 
Time in Book of the Indians. 


120 A Narrative of theTroubles [41 


ftood the firmeft to the Intereft of the Englhjh of 
all the Reft in thofe Parts: but they all hanging 
together, like Serpent’s Eggs, were eafily per- 
fuaded to join with thofe of Hadly (there being 
fo near Alliance between them; for the Sachim 
of the Spring field Indians'* was Father of Hadly 
Sachim) not only by the Succefs of their treacher- 
ous and blood thirfty Companions, but by the 
fame inbred Malice and Antipathy againft the 
Englhfh Manners and Religion. 

The Inhabitants of Spring field were not infen- 
fible of their Danger, and therefore had upon the 
firft breaking forth of thofe Troubles been treat- 
ing with their Indians, and received from them 
the firmeft Affurance and Pledges of their Faith- 
fulnefs and Friendfhip that could be imagined or 
defired, both by Covenant, Promifes, and Hoft- 
ages given for Security; fo as no Doubt was left 
in any of their Minds: yet did thefe faithlefs and 
ungrateful Monfters plot with PAlips Indians to 
burn and deftroy all Spring field, as they had done 
Brookfield before: to that End they fent cun- 
ningly and enticed away the Hoftages from Hart- 
Jord, where perhaps they were too infecurely 
watched over, a Day or two before: then receiv- 
ing about three hundred of P4ziips Indians into 
their Fort, privately in the Night time, fo as they 
were neither difcerned or fufpected. Yea, fo con- 
fident were fuch of the Inhabitants as were moft 


192 His Name was Witudbicn or ther’s Brief Hiffory, 246. Judd! S 
Wequogon. See Appindix to Ma- Hiffory of Hadley, 151. 


42] with the Indians in New-England, 121 


converfant with the IJmdians at their Fort, that 
they would not believe there was any fuch Plot 
in Hand, when it was ftrangely revealed by one 
Toto, an Indian at Windfor, better affected to the 
Englifh, (about eighteen or twenty Miles below 
Spring field, upon the fame Rrver), and fo by Pott, 
Tidings thereof brought to Spring field the Night 
before; infomuch that the Lieutenant of the 
otin’ Cooper by Name, was fo far from believ- 
ing the Stratagem, that in the Morning himfelf 
and another would venture to ride up to the 
Fort, to fee whether Things were fo or no.19 
The Fort was about a Mile from the Town: 
when he came within a little thereof, he met 
thefe bloody and deceitful Monfters, newly 
iffued out of their Eguus Trojanus to act their 
intended Mifchief; | 42| they prefently fired upon 
him, divers of a and fhot him in feveral 
hes through the Body, yet being a Man of 
{tout Courage, he kept his Horfe till he recovered 
the next garrifon Houfe; his Companion they 
fhot dead upon the Place;'* by this Means giving 
a fad Alarm to the Town of their intended Mif- 
chief, which was inftantly fired in all Places where 


193'The Propriety of Difarming 
thofe Indians was a Queftion with 
the Council of Connecticut, but of 
courfe they could only make a Sug- 
geftion, deferring to thofe on the 
Spot as the beft Judges of what 
fhould be done. 

194°The Pentecoft Matthews killed 

U 


at this ‘Time, mentioned in a Note 
to the Brief Hiffory, p. 98, was a 
Woman, wife of John Matthews. 
Judd, Hiffory of Hadley, 153. See 
Note 175, a#te. ‘Thofe mortally 
wounded were Nathaniel Browne, 
and Edmund Pringridays, Judd, 
ibid. 


I22 


A Narrative of the Troubles | 42 


there were no Garrifons. ‘The poor People hav- 
ing never an Officer to lead them, being like Sheep 
ready for the Slaughter, and no doubt the whole 
Town had been totally deftroyed, but that a Re- 
port of the Plot being carried about over Night, 
Major Treat came from Wefifeld time enough in a 
Manner, for the Refcue, but wanting Boats to 
tranfport his Men, could not do fo much Good as 
he defired. Major Pyuchon coming from Hadly 
with Capt. Appleton and what Forces they could 
bring along with them,’ (thirty two Houfes be- 
ing firft confumed,) preferved the Reft of the 
Town from being turned into Afhes; in which 
the over credulous Inhabitants might now fee 
(what before they would not believe at the burn- 
ing of Major Pynchons Barns and Stables a few 
Days before,'® to very great Damage of the 
Owner) the faithlefs and deceitful Friendfhip 
amonegift thofe perfidious, cruel and hellifh Mon- 
{ters. 

Amongft the Ruins of the faid Dwellings, the 
{addeft to behold was the Houfe of Mr. Pe/atiah 
Glover, Minifter of the Town, furnifhed with a 
brave Library, which he had but newly brought 
back from a Garrifon wherein it had been for 
fome Time before fecured; but as if the Danger 


195 Mr. Pynchon wrote to Mr. 
Ruffell of Hadley, 15th O&., 1675, 
““We came to a lamentable and 
woful Sight, —the ‘Town in Flames, 
not a Houfe and Barn ftanding, ex- 
cept old Goodman Branche’s, while 
we came to my Houfe; and then 


Mr. Glover’s, John Hitchcock’s and 
Goodman Stewart’s burnt down 
with Barns, Corn, and all they had,” 
&ce. See Letter in Appendix to 
Mather’s Brief Hiffory, 244. 


196 September 26th, 1675. 


- 


4.2 | with the Indians in Ni ew-England, 123 


had been over with them, the faid Minifter, a 
great Student, and an Jbe//uo librorum, being im- 
patient for Want of his Books, brought them 
back to his great Sorrow, fit for a Bonfire for the 
proud infulting Enemy. Of all the Mifchiefs 
done by the faid Enemy before that Day, the 
Burning of this Town of Spring field did more 
than any other, difcover the faid Actors to be the 
Children of the Devil, full of ‘all Subtilty and 
Malice, there having been for about forty Years fo 
good Correfpondence betwixt the Englifh of that 
“Town and the neighbouring Jndians. But in 
them is made good what is faid in the P/a/m, 
That though their Words were fmoother than Oil, 
yet were they drawn Swords. 

After fome little ‘Time {pent in garrifoning the 
Place and helping the Inhabitants to fecure what 
they had left, the Englifh Soldiers moft of them 
returned back to Had/y their Head Quarters; and 
Major Pznchon being fo full of Incumbrances, by 
Reafon of the late Spoils done to himfelf, and his 
Neighbours at Spring field, could not any longer 
attend the Service of Commanding in chief as he 
had done before ;197 wherefore being according to 
his earneft Requeft of the Council eafed of that 
Burden, Capt. Samuel Appleton was ordered to 


197 He requefted to be relieved. 12th, following. ‘The Council fay 


In his Letter of O&. 5th, he fays: 
<<] know not how to write, neither 
can I be able to attend any public 
Service.” He was excufed, and 
Captain Appleton appointed to his 
Place, who took Command O&€t. 


to him in their Letter (dated O€. 
4th), ‘‘they having confidered the 
earneft Defires of Major Pynchon, 
and the great Affliction upon him 
and his Family,’ &c. Appleton 
Memorial, 96. 


124. 4 Narrative of theTroubles {43 


fucceed in taking Charge | 43] of the Soldiers left in 
thofe upper ‘Towns, by whofe Induftry, Skill and 
Courage, thofe Towns were preferved from run- 
ning the fame Fate with the Reft, wholly or in 
part fo lately turned into Afhes.7%® For the Enemy 
growing very confident by the late Succefles, came 
with all their Fury the ninth of October following 
upon Hatfield, hoping no lefs than to do the like 
Miichief to them they had newly done to Spring- 
field; But according to the good Providence of 
Almighty God, Major Treat was newly returned to 
Northampton, Capt. Mo/ely and Capt. Poole were then: 
garrifoning the faid Hatfield, and Capt. Appleton for 
the like End quartering at Had/y, when on the 
fudden feven or eight hundred of the Enemy came 
upon the Town in all Quarters, having firft killed 
or taken two or three Scouts belonging to the 
Town, and feven more belonging to Capt. Mo/ely 
his Company: But they were fo well entertained 
on all Hands where they attempted to break in 
upon the Town, that they found it too hot for 
them. Major 4ppton with great Courage defend- 
ing one End of the Town, and Capt. Mo/ely as 
{toutly maintaining the Middle, and Capt. Poo/ the 
other End; that they were by the Refolution of the 
Englifh inftantly beaten off, without doing much 
Harm. Capt. dppletons Serjeant'9? was mortally 

198 Up to the Attack on Hatfield, induced, though with great Diftruft 
Affairs were fo very gloomy, thatit ofthe Iffue, to affume the Command. 
required all the Nerve of the braveft See his Letter of O&. 12th, in 4p- 
of Men to accept the Placeof Com- pleton Memorial, 97. 


mander-in-Chief. But Capt. Ap- 199 Freegrace Norton. See Za- 
pleton being on the Ground, was 4/, No. 13. 


43 | with the Indians in New-England. 125 


wounded juift by his Side, another Bullet paffing 
through his own Hair, by that Whifper telling 
him that Death was very near, but did no other 
Harm. Night coming on, it could not be dif- 
cerned what Lofs the Enemy fuftained, divers 
were feen to fall, fome run through a {mall River, 
others caft their Guns into the Water (it being their 
Manner to venture as much to recover the dead 
Bodies of their Friends, as to defend them when 
alive.) At laft after burning of fome few Barns 
with fome other Buildings, the Enemy hafted away 
as faft as they came on, leaving the Englifh to 
blefs God who had fo mercifully delivered them 
from the Fury of their Mercilefs Foes, who had 
in Conceit without Doubt devoured all: But this 
refolute and valiant Repulfe. put fuch a Check 
upon the Pride of the Enemy, that they made no 
further Attempt upon any of thofe Towns for the 
prefent ;7°° but Winter drawing on they retired 
all of them to their general Rendezvouz at 
Narhaganfet ; where we fhall leave them for the 
prefent, plotting their general Defign of accom- 
plifhing their intended Mifchief againft the Exg- 
life the next Spring. 

Our weftern Plantations upon Connecticut River, 
were the Stage whereon were acted the moft re- 
markable Paflages of this barbarous War hitherto, 
which was foon after removed into many other 
Places of the Country in the Winter and Spring 
following, whither our Difcourfe muft in the next 


200 Tt will foon be feen that this reét. See Zable, No. 14. 
Conclufion was not entirely cor- 


126 A Narrativeof theTroubles [44 


Place purfueit: There was notany | 44] great Mat- 
ter acted by the Enemy amongft the Plantations 
upon the great River during the Winter, after the 
Affault made upon Hatfeld, OGober 19g. It is evi- 
dent that the Body of them returned to Narhagan- 
Jet upon the approach of the Winter, which fet in 
more early than it ufed in other Years: Where 
Philip did beftow himfelf in the winter Seafon is 
not fo certain; fome fay that he repaired fur- 
ther weftward, to try his Fortune with thofe 
Indians that lie towards Albany, near the Dutch 
River :*°! others more probably conceive that he 
lay hid in fome Part of the Narhagan/fet-Country: 
for though he was not certainly known to be 
about the Fort at Narbaganfet, when it was taken 
by our Forces in the Winter, yet as foon as ever 
they were driven out of the Country in Feéruary, 
he was found amongft them that did the Mifchief 
at Lancafter in that Month.?°? 

Some {ftragling Parties of them remained about 


201 The only Inftance which I 
remember to have feen Hudfon’s 
River fo denominated. Even now 


reality there is no Evidence that he 
was prefent in any of the Fights 
along the Connecticut River. He 


it is ofteneft called the North River. 
Its Indian Name was Shatemuck, as 
an old Settler on the River, who 
underftood Indian, told Egbert Ben- 
fon in 1785. ‘This is probably 
Wafhington Irving’s Authority for 
its Ufe in his Kwickerbocker. See 
Moulton’s Hiffory of New York, 
214. Knickerbocker, 1, 73, firkt 
Edition. 

202 The Fears of the Englifh made 
Philip nearly Omniprefent, while in 


was timid and cowardly, and was 
continually fkulking from Place to 
Place, and perhaps urged others to 
fight. He would no doubt gladly 
have made Peace with the Englifh 
but from Fear of hisown Men, and 
the more certain Faét that the Eng- 
lifh would fhow him no Mercy. 
Jefferfon Davis is now in a Situation 
very fimilar to that in which Philip 
was then. Philip was more con- 
temptible, but far lefs villainous. 


44.| with the Indiansin New-England, 127 


Northampton,?°3 Weftheld°* and Spring field, {ome 
Time after their Defeat at Hazfe/d: feven or 
eight of the Inhabitants of Northampton in the’ 
End of Odfober, venturing to fetch in fome of 
their Harveft that was left fomewhere out of the 
Town, were in Danger of being furprifed, having 
laid their Arms under their Cart, fo as being def- 
titute of Means to make their Defence, they were 
glad to flie away with their Horfes out of their 
Cart, leaving what they were about, to the Pleaf- 
ure of the Indians that affaulted. Major Treat 
upon the hearing the Alarm, prefently repaired 
thither, but could not come Time enough to 
deftroy any of the Enemy, nor yet to prevent 
their burning of four or five Houfes, with two or 
three Barns that ftood fomewhat out of the Town. 
Within a little Time after they killed three of the 
fame Town, as they were at work in a Meadow 
not far from the Town: they intended alfo to 
have burned the Mill, but it was too well guard- 
ed by two Files of Mufquetiers lodged there for 
the Purpofe, who put them befide their In- 


203 Major Pynchon wrote from 
Hadley, Sept. goth, that ‘two Days 
before, two Englifhmen at North- 
ampton, being gone out in the Morn- 
ing to cut Wood, and but a little 
from the Houfe, were both fhot 
down dead.” xtra in Judd, 
150. 
their Names,—Praifever Turner, 
and Uzacaby Shackfpeer. Coffin’s 
Newbury, 390. 

204 On the 27th of Odtober, the 


The Rev. Mr. Ruffell gives. 


Indians killed three Men belonging 
to Springfield, in Weftfield; viz. 
John Dumbleton, Jr., who went to 
Weftfield Mill, and William Brooks, 
Jr., and John Brooks, who went to 
look for Iron Ore, on Land bought 
of Mr. John Pynchon. The Indians 
burnt Mr. Cornifh’s Houfe and the 
Houfe and Barn of John Sackett. 
A Mr. Granger had a Ball fhot into 
his Leg. Davis’s Hiffory of We/t- 
field; 7. Judd’s Hadley, 156. 


128 A Narrative of the Troubles [45 


tent.2°s Six or feven of Springfield foon after 
going to the Millin Weffeld (that which belonged 
to their own Town being burned Oédfober 5th), 
and venturing without Arms, three of them were 
killed by fome of the Enemy, who took the Ad- 
vantage alfo to burn four or five Houfes that be- 
longed to the faid Wefifeld: but by the End of 
November the Coaft was pretty clear of them, 
unlefs fome few of them that lay lurking in the 
Swamps thereabouts all the Winter, doing fome 
{mall Mifchief upon fome Out-dwellings of 
Spring field. 

The Expedition into the Narhaganfet Country, 
follows in Order in the next Place to be related ; 
but before we come thither, a little Notice mutt 
be taken by the Way, of an unfuccefsful At- 
tempt upon the Indians |45| about Ha/fanemefit,°° 
and Poppachuog,*°" whither Capt. Henchman was 
fent in the Beginning of November: where alfo 
Captain Sz//?°8 was ordered to meet him with 


205 This Attack was on October 
29th. ‘The other Affair juft men- 
tioned was about the Middle of the 
Month, See Williams’s Hi/fory of 
Northampton, 11. In that of the 
29th, ‘Thomas Salmon, Jofeph Ba- 
ker, and Jofeph Baker, Jr., were 
killed, as they were at work in the 
Meadow. The Enemy attempted 
to burn the Mill there, but were 
prevented. 142d. In the firft Attack 
John Roberts was mortally wound- 
ed, and one Indian was killed. 
Judd, 156. The Affair in the Mea- 
dow isa little different in Williams, 


206 Tn the prefent Town of Graf- 
ton. Its Name meant a Stony Place. 
It was a noted Town of Praying 
Indians, 

207 The Same ufually written 
Pakkachoog, or Packachooge. It 
was in the foutherly Part. of Wor- 
cefter, and was a Village of Pray- 
ing Indians, on a Hill, by fome called 
Bogachoag. 

208 Jofeph Sill of Cambridge. A 
good Sequel to his Part in the 
prefent Expedition is given by Gen, 
Gookin in Hitt. Praying Indians. 
We fhall meet with him again, 


45| with the Indians in New-England. 129 


another Company from Cambridg, with intent to 
have beat up the Indian Quarters in thofe Parts: 
they being known to have had an Hand in the 
Outrages committed upon thofe that belonged to 
Malborough and Mendham; cutting off the Scalp 
of a Millers Boy, who is yet Alive. 

November 1, 1675, Capt. Henchman marched 
out of Bofton, intending to vifit the Indians about 
Haffenemefit: the third Day they faw fome Fires 
of the Indians, yet could not meet with them that 
made them: The fourth Day they marched to 
fome Part of the Indian Plantations, called Ha/e- 
_nemefit: the ,Captain would have taken up his 
Quarters a Mile on this Side, but fome of his 
Officers over-ruled him, to whofe Importunity 
he gave Way, and marched a Mile further to- 
wards the Enemy, and by that Means faved the 
Millers Youth, taken the Week before from 
Malborough ; for in the Morning very Early, as 
the Scouts were looking out, they fpyed a Wig- 
wam, where fome Indians that had carried away 
the Youth, had lodged all Night in fome Wig- 
wam near by ; when the Jndzans {aw our Soldiers, 
they hafted away, and left the Ma/borough Youth 
behind them, who by that Means efcaped their 
Hands. Our Menunder Capt. Hexchman marched 
on to Poppachuog, and finding the Indians all fled 
(although they perceived by a Meflenger acci- 
dentally fent back, that the Ivdzans followed them 
all that Way they marched) they came back 
to Mendham to fettle Things in that Town: 
fome of the Inhabitants informed them of fome 

V 


130 4 Warrative of the Troubles [45 


Indian Wigwams about ten Miles off: The Cap- 
tain, with PAzip Curtice his Lieutenant, refolved 
to give them a Camifado in their Wigwams that 
Night: to that End, they mounted two and 
twenty upon Horfes, riding up ten Miles into the 
Woods, and when they came near the Wigwams, 
they a onteed and intended prefently to march 
up and give an ‘Affault upon them, after they had 
firft made a fhout to .fright the Enemy: they 
ordered one half to follow the Lieutenant, the 
other to follow the Captain; when they came 
within a Quarter of a Mile of the Place, their 
Dogs began to bark, at which they ftop’d, and by 
and by marched again, intending prefently to 
fire in upon them, but the Captains Foot flipping, 
he could hardly recover himfelf; when fuddenly 
looking behind him, he faw no Man following 
of him: the Lieutenant had five behind him, 
who with thofe five refolutely fired on that Side 
he was appointed to make the Affault upon; but 
they were repulfed by the Indians,*°9 who firing 


209 The Hiftorian of Marlbor- 
ough, (the Hon. Chas. Hudfon) 
feems not to have been aware of this 
Event. It happened on Nov. 6th. 
Gen. Gookin’s Verfion of it is very 
Circumftantial, as the Captive was 
re{cued by two of his Praying In- 
dians. ‘The Name of the Youth 
was Chriftopher Muchin. ‘* He 
informed the Captain that thofe 
feven Indians with whom he was 
taken, had feized him at Peter 
Bent’s Mill in Marlborough, the 
Day before, and had alfo feized and 
{calped a Youth of about nine Years 


old, that was his Mafter Peter 
Bent’s Son, and left the Lad at the 
Mill as Dead”? Thus is Mr, 
Hubbard’s Account effentially elu- 
cidated as well as enlarged. See alfo 
the Rev. Thomas Cobbet’s Narra- 
tivein N. Eng. Hif. and Gen, 
Reg’r, VII, 209, &c.—Elizabeth, 
wife of Peter Bent, of Marlboro’, 
faid, 10 June, 1676, that fhe wasa 
poor Widow, with feven Children, 
that her Hufband went to England. 
and died there, and loft all he 
carried with him.—Petition in MS, 
in Maffachufetts Archives. 


46] with the Indians in New-England. 131 


out of their Dens, fhot down the Lieutenant and 
another, the Reft prefently ran away toa Fence: 
the Captain with all [46] vehemency urged them 
to ftay ; they replyed, they went back but only 
to charge, yet went clear away, by which Means, 
together with the Cowardice of the former, fo 
fad a Lofs befell the Company, which could not 
eafily be repaired: however the Enemy prefently 
deferted the Wigwam, and gave our Men the 
next Day an Opportunity to fetch off their two 
dead Men, and bury them, and fo with Grief and 
Shame were conftrained to return to their Quar- 
ters at Mendbam ;**° to whofe Inhabitants they gave 
notice of 200 Bufhels of Corn belonging to the 
Indians, that might have been preferved, which 
for Want of Hands was loft by the Fire, that the 
Enemy might not be benefited thereby. It ap- 
pears by the foregoing Paflage, that the Time of 
our Deliverance was not yet come, and that God 
had further Trials to acquaint us with, before he 
would turn his Hand upon our Enemies. But it 
pleafed the Lord in Mercy fo to order Things, 
that they themfelves fell into that Pit they were 
digging for others, as fhall appear more fully in 
what follows. 

The Englifh Plantations about Had/y being for 
the Prefent fet a little at Liberty by the Indians 


210 Gen. Gookin fays: ‘‘ Capt. tenant was one,—Philip Curtice of 
Henchman told me he judged fev- Roxbury, a ftout Man. His Hands 
eral of the Enemy were flainin the they cut off and placed upon a 
Wigwam, but the Certainty is not crotched Pole at the Wigwam Door 
known; but it was certain he loft faced againft each other, which 
two of his Men, whereof his Lieu- were feen a few Days after.” 


132 A Narrative of the Troubles | 4.6 


drawing off, like Seamen after a Storm, counted 
it their beft Courfe to repair their Tackling 
again{ft another that may be next coming ;?" 
wherefore the Inhabitants concluded it. the fafer 
Way to make a Kind of Barricado about their 
Towns, by fetting up Pallifadoes of Cleft-wood 
about eight Foot long, as it were to break the 
Force of any fudden Affault which the Indians 
might make upon them, which Counfel proved 
very fuccefsful ; for although it be an inconfider- 
able Defence again{t a Warlike Enemy, that had 
Strength enough, and Confidence to befiege a 
Place, yet it is fufficient to prevent any fudden 
Affault of fuch a timerous and barbarous Ene- 
my as thefe were; for although they did after- 
wards in the Spring break through thofe Pallifadoes 
at Northampton, yet as foon as ever they began to 
be repulfed, they faw themfelves like Wolves in 
a Pound, that they could not fly away at their 
Pleafure, fo as they never adventured to break 
through afterward upon any of the Towns fo. 
fecured. | 
As for thofe of Spring field, they were now and 
then alarmed with a few fkulking Indians lurking 
about in the adjacent Woods, as once at the long 
Meadow, where half a Score of them were feen 
about an Houfe remote from the Town, who 
were purfued by a Party of the Englifh towards 
Windfor, and fo efcaped: after the Englifh had 


211 Whether this highly appro- fter, cannot be known; while this 
priate Metaphor fuggefted that em- cannot fail to recall that to the 
ployed with fo much Splendor on Mind of every Reader; efpecially 
a great Occafion by Daniel Web- thofe of this Day, Feb. 22d, 1865. 


47 | withthe Indians of New-England. 133 


made one fhot upon them, not knowing certainly 
how many they killed. So at another Time, a 
Few of thofe barbarous Wretches killed a poor 
Man belonging to Spring field, as he was going to 
his Houfe to look after his Corn on the other 
Side of the River ;?7"7 and after they had killed 
the Man, they burnt [47] down his Houfe; yet 
attempted no further Mifchief upon that Part of 
the Town that had efcaped the Fury of the 
Flames, Oéfober 5. By which it is evident, that 
all the Number of Jvdians that had afflaulted them 
before, had now drawn themfelves to their Win- 
ter Quarters, fome to the Dutch River, but the 
greateft Number of them to be fure were found 
in the Winter at the Narhagan/fet Fort, where we 
fhall leave them for the Prefent, till the Forces 
of the United Colonies fhall fire them out of 
their Nefts.7%3 

The Soldiers continuing fome Time at Hatfield 
after this Victory, as we may well call it (for it 
feems to have given the firft Check to the Rage 
of the Heathen within the Jurifdiction of the 
United Colonies, they have been obferved ever 
fince to have been on the lofing Hand, feldom or 
never daring to meet our Soldiers in the open 


212s he; Death! of; this “poor 
man” is probably not recorded 
on the Springfield Records. I find 
that of ‘* Samuel Chapin, Deacon 
of the Church, died Nov. 11th,” 
and Benj. Mun, Sen., Nov., 1675.” 

213 Philip, with a Few of his 
Wampanoags, pafled the Winter, it 


was fuppofed, in the Wildernefs 
beyond the Conneéticut River. In- 
deed fuch Information was received 
from Gov. Andros at Connecticut. 
The Council of that Colony urged 
him to engage the Mohawks to def- 
troy them. See Colonial Records 
Gi., i, 397-8. 


134. | Narrative of the Troubles [47 


Field, unlefs when they have very great Advan- 
tage as to their Numbers, or Covert of the 
Woods and Bufhes: although like fome raging 
Beafts they have done much Mifchief feveral 
Times fince, when they were ready to expire, or 
when the Pangs of Death were coming upon 
them) our Forces were all called Home, fave 
fome left for garifoning the Towns thereabouts. 

The Commiffioners of the united Colonies 
taking into ferious Confideration the prefent 
Stateof Things, uz. that there were before this 
Time fo many Hundreds gathered together into 
one Body, and that there was great Reafon to 
fear, if they were let alone till the next Spring 
they might all rife together as one Man round 
about us, and that one ‘Town after another 
might eafily be deftroyed, before any Help could 
be difpatched to them. On the one Hand the 
Sharpnefs of the Winter in thefe Parts was well 
weighed, fo extream that it might hazard the 
Lofs of a thoufand Men in one Night, if they 
were forced to lodge Abroad in the open Field : 
as alfo the Difficulty, if not Impoffibility, of 
fending any Relief to them at any Diftance, the 
Depth of Snow ufually making the Ways unpaf- 

fable for divers Months together. 
~ On the other Hand it was confidered, that if 
the Enemy were let alone till the next Summer, 
it would be impofflible to deal with them, or find 
them any where, but they might wafte one 
Company of Soldiers after another, as was feen 
by the Experience of the former Year. Con- 


48 | withthe Indiansin New-England. 135 


fidering alfo that the Narhaganfets, the moft 
Numerous of all the Reft, and the beft provided 
of Provifion of all the other Jndians, had now 
declared themfelves our Enemies, who if they 
were let alone till the Winter was over, we 
fhould be unable to deal with fo many Enemies 
at once, that could on a fudden, on any occafion, 
fpread themfelves like Grafhoppers all over the 
Country. 

[48] It was therefore finally agreed upon by 
the general confent of all, to fall upon the Win- 
ter-quarters of our Enemies, by a more confider- 
able Army (if I may fo call it) gathered out of all 
the three Colonies, and that with all Expedition, 
at furtheft not to exceed the tenth of December, 
before they fhould have a thoufand Men in Arms 


ready for the Defign.*"4 


214 This was the Refolve of the 
Commiflioners of the United Col- 
onies, at Bofton, Nov, 2d, 1675. 
The Names of the Commiffioners 
were John Winthrop, Wait Win- 
throp, Thomas Danforth, Prefdent; 
William Stoughton, Jofah Win- 
flow, and Thomas Hinckley. 

In the Preamble to the Refolu- 
tion, the Commiffioners charge, that 
the Narhaganfets are deeply accef- 
fory in the prefent bloody Outrages. 
This appearing by theire harbour- 
ing the Aétors thereof: ” that they 
had not delivered up any of the 
Enemy, but had harbored and pro- 
te€ted them; had killed and taken 
away the Cattle of the Englifh; 
‘© and did for fome Daies feize and 
keepe vnder a ftronge Gauarde, 
Mr. Smithes Houfe and Family; and 
att the Newes of the fad and la- 


mentable Mifchieffe that the In- 
dians did vnto the Englifh att or 
near Hadley, did in a very re- 
proachfull and blafphemous manor 
triumph and rejoyce thereat.” This 
has Reference to the Treatment of 
Lothrop and Beer’s Men, fome of 
whom were hung by Chains, as 
mentioned in our Author’s Ac- 
count before detailed. Therefore 
the Commiffioners fay we ‘‘ doe 
agree and determine that befides 
the Number of Souldiers formerly 
agreed vpon to be raifed, there 
fhall be one thoufand more raifed 
and furnifhed,” &c.; and that the 
Honoble Jofiah Winflow, E(., 
Gout of Plymouth Collonie,” fhall 
be Commander-inChief of them ; 
that the fecond in, Command to be 
appointed by Conneéticut, who as 
will appear, was Maj. Robert Treat. 


136 A Narrative of the Troubles [48 


As for the late League made or rather renewed ~ 
with the Narhagan/fets, it was fufficiently evident 
and known, that they had all along from the 
firftt Day when it was confirmed, broken every 
Article of it, {pecially in not delivering up the 
Enemies which had fheltered themfelves with 
them all this while, which though they did not 
pofitively deny, yet did nothing but find Excufes, 
to defer it one Week after another, till at the laft 
they would be excufed till the next Spring, upon 
Pretence that they could not before that Time 
get them together. And befides the favouring 
of thofe that fled to them, and fupplying the 
whole Body of the Enemy with Vidtuals upon all 
-Occafions; It was likewife ftrongly fufpected, 
that in all the late Proceedings of the Enemy, 
many of their young Men were known to be 
actually in Arms again{ft us; many of whom were 
found either wounded amongft them in their 
Wigwams, or elfe were occafionally feen return- 
ing back, after Exploits abroad, to be healed of 
their Wounds at Home. Alfo fome of our Mens 
Guns that were loft at Dearfie/dd were found in 
the Fort when it was fired. Therefore all Scru- 
ples as to the Juftnefs and Neceflity of the War 
being removed, the only Queftion was, Whether 
it were Feafible and Expedient in the Win- 
ter? The Exigent was very great, and the 
Choice very hard: But as David when he was 
{treightened with many Difficulties at once, chofe 
rather to fall into the Hands of God whofe Mer- 
cies were great, though he might be provoked 
to caufe his Jealoufie to {moak againft thofe of 


49] with the Indians in New-England. 137 


his own Heritage for a Time ; fo in this Exigent 
it was generally conceived to be moft Expedient 
for the Country, to caft themfelves upon the 
Providence of a merciful and gracious God, 
rather than by Delays to expofe themfelves to 
the Treachery and Cruelty of a_perfidious 
Enemy. | 

A War therefore fpeedily to be carried on in 
the very Depth of Winter, being agreed upon, 
Care was taken for Supplies, as the Difficulty of 
fuch an Affair fo circumftanced did require, 
though poflibly not with fo much neceffary Care, 
and fo fuitable Provifion, as had been defired, if 
what came afterward to pafs could have been 
forefeen, (which peradventure might be the Rea- 
fon Things went on fo heavily for Want of well 
oyling the Wheels; ) in the mean Time a {mall 
Army of a thoufand fighting Men, well appointed, 
were ordered by the Commiffioners to [49] be 
gathered by Proportion out of all the Colonies, of 
which Number the Share: of the Ma/ffachufets 
was to be five hundred and twenty feven,?'s the 
Reft were to be fupplied out of Plmouth and 
Connecticut Colonies.7%® All other fupplies were 
taken care for, as well as the fuddennefs of the 


215'There appears to have beena 
‘* Chirurgion General” for the 
Maffachufett Troops, named Dan- 
iel Weld, of Salem. He was 
Son of Mr. Thomas Weld, an 
early Minifter of Roxbury of Anti- 
nomian Notoriety. Long after the 
War he petitioned the General 


Court for Remuneration for his 
Sacrifices and Loffes in the Narra- 
ganfet Expedition. He died pre- 
vious to 24 June, 1691. See Fell’s 
Annals of Salem, i, 436. 

216 Maflachufett, 527 ; Plymouth, 
158; Conneéticut, 325. Records 
United Colonies, x, 365. 


as - 


allow. The faid thoufand Men, befide 


138 A Narrative of theTroubles [49 
Expedition, and Difficulty of the Seafon would 
fome 
Voluntiers of Indian-Friends, were by the Time 
and Place appointed as near as could be had, 
called together,?"7 and a Commiffion granted to 
the honourable ‘fofah Winflow Efq; the prefent 
Governour of Plmouth Colony, a Man of known 
Ability and Integrity, every Way fo well qualified 
with Courage and Refolution as well as Prudence 
and Difcretion, as might have prefered him to 
the Conduct of a far greater Army than ever is 
like to be gathered together in this Part of the 
World, in this or following Generations. And 
indeed, as he was the firft Governour over any of 
the United Colonies in New-England of them 
that were born in the Place, fo may he well pafs 
for a Pattern of any of the fucceeding Race that 
may come after. 

Under him as Commander in Chief, were or- 
dered fix Companies from the Maffachu/fets, under 
the Command of Major Appleton, Cap. Mofely, 
Capt. Gardner, Capt. Davenport, Capt. Ofver,?"8 


217 The Connecticut Men were 
to rendezvous at Norwich, Stoning- 
ton, and New London; thofe of 
Plymouth and Maffachufetts, at Re- 
hoboth, Providence and Warwick. 
All to be ready at or before the 
15thof December. Records United 
Colonies, xX, 358. 

218 Six Years after, Capt. Oliver 
petitioned the General Court for a 
Grant of ‘‘that Ifland whereon 
Wianonfet [Wonalanfet?] lately 
dwelt. Your Petitioner for many 


Years paft hath been in publick 


Employment, and during the late 
Warrs your Petitioner was at Nar- 
raganfet and Elfewhere on the Ser- 
vice of the Country, and after this 
hath had the. moft Part of his Ef- 
tate confumed by Fire.” ‘The 
Magiftrates granted him ‘‘ 200 
Acres of Land where it is to be 
found, not prejudicial to previous 
Grants.” ‘The Deputies confented 
** provided the Grant be made to 
Nathaniel Barnes for the Petitioners 
Ufe.” He was of Bofton, fon of 
Thomas Oliver, died / p. 1682. 


50| with the Indians in New-England. 139 


Capt. fohn/on ; five Companies from Connecticut 
under Major Treat, Capt. Szely, Capt. Gallop, 
Capt, Ma/on, Capt. Wats, and Capt. Marfhal ; 
Two Companies from mae under Major 
Bradford and Capt. Goram. 

Under the Governour of P/mouth as Commander 
in Chief in this Expedition, were fent as Majors 
_ of the Forces belonging to each Colony, Major 
Robert Treat for the Forces belonging to Connec- 
ticut, and Major Bradford for thofe of the Colony 
of Moynouah and Major Samuel Appleton for thofe 
of the Maffachufets, to whom by the honorable 
Major General of the faid Colony were fix Com- 
panies of Foot delivered at Dedham, December the 
gth. 1675, containing in Number 465 fighting 
Men, befides a Troop of Horfe under the Com- 
mand of Capt. Tomas Prentice attending upon 
them. That Night they marched to Woodcoks, 
about 27 Miles from Dedham; the next Night 
they arrived at Seaconck; Capt. Mo/e/y and his 
Company went from thence with Mr. Swuth by 
Water, the Reft ferried over the Water to Provi= 
dence. . 
The next Day, Decemb. the 12¢4 they paffed 
over Patuxet-River, and then marching through 
Pombams Country, at Night they met with Capt. _ 
Mofely and his Company at Mr. Swuths in Wick- 
ford, the Place intended for their Head-quarters. 
Capt. Mo/ely in his Way thither had happily fur- 
prifed thirty fix Indians, one of whom he took 
along with him as a Guide, Peter??? by Name, 


219 For fome interefting Particu- lars refpe¢ting this Peter (afterwards 


140 4 Narrative of the Troubles | 50 


that was at that Time under fome Difguft with 
his [50] Country-men, or his Sachim, which 
made him prove the more real Friend to our 
Forces in that Service, wherein he faithfully per- 
formed what he promifed, and without his Affift- 
ance our Men would have been much ata Lofs 
to have found the Enemy, untill it had been too 
late to have fought them. 

Two Dayes after, Decemb. 14th, five Files of 
Men fent out under Serjeant Bennet?*? and an- 
other, upon the Scout, kill’d one Man and one 
Woman, and brought in four more by one of the 
Clock : the whole Company marched after into 
fome of the Sachims Country, where they burnt 
an hundred and fifty Wigwams, killed feven of 
the Enemy, and brought in eight Prifoners when 
they returned at Night.?74 

The next Day, an Indian called Stone-Wall- 
‘fohn** pretending to come from the Sachims, 


called Peter Freeman), See Note 
kt, page 105 of Dr. J. Mather’s 
Brief Hiffory. By the Confeffions 
of the Englifh themfelves, he faved 
their Army. Even Cotton Mather 
acknowledges that ‘‘they could not 
well have lived without him.” 


220 Perhaps John Bennet, fome 
Time of Beverly ; if fo his Name 
did not come to the knowledge of 
Mr. Stone the Hiftorian of that 
Town. 

221 'The Operations of the 14th 
‘are thus given in Capt, Oliver’s 
Narrative: “Dec. 14th, our 


Generall went out with Horfe and 
Foot ; I with my Company was left 
to keep Garrifon. I fent out thirty 
of my Men to fcout abroad, who 
killed two Indians and brought in 
four Prifoners, one of which was 
beheaded. Our Army came Home 
at Night, [having] killed feven and 
brought in nine more, Young and 
Old.” 

222'The natal Name of this In- 
dian has not been learned. He 
had lived among the Englifh and 
learned the Mafon’s Trade, and 
hence his Name Stone-/ayer, Stone- 
layer-John, Stone-Wall-John, &c. 


50| with the Indians in New-England. 141 


intimating their Willingnefs to have Peace with 
the Englifh, yet could the Meflenger hardly for- 
bear threatning, vapouring of their Numbers and 
Strength ; adding withal, that the Englith durft 
not fight them: whatever were pretended by 
this treacherous Fellow, fome of his Crew, as he 
went Home, met with fome of Capt. Gardners 
Men, that were ftragling about their own Bufi- 
nefs contrary to Order, and flew his Sergeant, 
with one or two more. ‘Two alfo of Capt. O/- 
zvers Men were killed in like Manner, a folemn 
Warning for Soldiers not to be too Venterous in 
an Enemies Country. For preventing the like 
Mifchief upon other Companies, more care was 
taken as they pafied to the Head-quarters, fome 
of the Companies being lodged three Miles there- 
from. Capt. Mo/fely’s, Capt. Davenports, and 
Capt. O/ivers Company, being alfo fent about 
that Time to bring Major Appletons Company to 
the general Quarters: a few defperate Indians 
creeping under a {tone Wall near the Place, fired 
twenty or thirty Guns at Mo/e/y in particular, a 
Commander well known amongft them; but the 
Reft of the Company running down upon them, 
killed one of them, and {cattered the Reft.?73 


When the War broke out he joined 
the War Party, and was of great 


rand; that wee might fpeak with 
Sachims. ‘That Evening he not 


Service to them in ereéting their 


Forts. See Book of the Indians, 
261-2. 
23 «Tec, 15th, came in John, 


a Rogue, with a Pretence of Peace, 


and was difmiffed with [this] Er- 


being gone a Quarter of an Houre, 
[when] his Company that lay hid 
behind a Hill of our Quarters, 
killed two Salem Men within a 
Mile of our Quarters,and wounded 


a Third [fo] that he is dead ; and 


142 4 Narrative of theTroubles [51 


The next Day Capt. Prentice with his Troop, 
being fent to Peteguanfcut, returned with the fad 
News of burning of ferry Bulls Garrifon-houfe, 
and killing ten Englifh men and five Women 
and Children, but two efcaping in all. This is 
the Chance of War, which they who undertake, 
muft prepare to undergo.?*4 

The next Day brought from the fame Place 
a little better News, though not enough to ba- 
lance the Sorrow of the former, wz. That Con- 
necticut Forces were come thither with three 
hundred Englifh, and an hundred and fifty Mo- 
hegins, ready fixed to war on the Behalf of the 
Englifh againft the Narhaganfets their mortal 
Enemies; and by the Way meeting a Party of 
the Enemy, they flew five or fix of them, and 
took as many |[51]| Prifoners.2*5 The whole 
Number of all our Forces being now come, the 


Want of Provifion with the Sharpnefs of the 


ata Houfe three Miles off, where I 224 A want of Watchfulnefs was 


had ten Men, they killed two of 
them. Inftantly Capt. Mofely, 
myfelf, and Capt. Gardner were 
fent to fetch ja Major Appletons 
Company, that kept three Miles 
and a half off; and coming, they 
[the Enemy] lay behind a Stone 
Wall and fired on us in fight of the 
Garrifon. We killed the Captain 
that killed one of the Salem Men 
and had his Cap. On that Night 
they burnt Jerry [Jireh] Bull’s 
Houfe, and killed feventeen Per- 
fons. Oliver’s Narrative, above 
cited, 


probably the Caufe of this fad 
Butchery. The Houfe was of Stone, 
and might eafily have been defend- 
ed ; but the People probably thought 
the Prefence of the Army warrant- 
ed Security. No Comments are 
indulged in by Writers of the Time. 

225 <* Dec, 17thcame News that 
Connecticut Forces were at Peta-- 
{quamf{cut, killed four Indians and 
took fix Prifoners. ‘That Day we 
fold Capt. Davenport forty feven 
Indians, young and old, for eighty 
Pounds in Mony.” Oliver’s Nar- 


rative. 


51] with the Indians in New-England. 143 


Cold, minded them of Expedition ; wherefore 
the very next Day, the whole Body of the Ma/- 
JSachufets and Plmouth Forces marched away to 
Pettiquamfcot,- intending to engage the Enemy 
upon the firft Opportunity that next offered itfelf : 
To the which Refolution thofe of Conneéhcut 
prefently confented, as foon as they met together, 
which was about five a Clock in the Afternoon: 
Bulls Houfe intended for their general Rendez- 
vouz, being unhappily burnt down two or three 
Days before, there was no Shelter left either for 
Officer or private Soldier, fo as they were ne- 
ceflitated to march on towards the Enemy through 
the Snow in a cold ftormy Evening, finding no 
other Defence all that Night, fave the open Air, 
nor other Covering than a cold and moift Fleece 
of Snow.” Through all thefe Difficulties they 
marched from the break of the next Day, De- 
cember 19th, till one of the Clock in the After- 
noon, without either Fire to warm them, or 
Refpite to take any Food fave what they could 
chew in their March. ‘Thus having waded four- 
teen or fifteen Mile through the Country of the 
old Queen, or Sunke Squaw?’ of Narhaganjfet ; they 


226 «€ Tec, 18th, we marched to 
Pettaquamfcott with all our Forces, 
only a Garrifon left. ‘That Night 
was very fnowy. We lay a thou- 
fand in the open Field that long 
Night. In the Morning, Dec. 19th, 
Lords Day, at 5 a Clock, we march- 
ed.”’ Oliver’s Narrative. ‘Snow 
two or three foot dep, and withal 


an extream hard Froft, fo that fome 
of our Men were frozen in their 
Hands and Feet, and thereby dif- 
abled from Service.” -Chronicle, 


227 She was “6a Woman of great 
Power,” as is afferted in fome Re- 
cords, the Wife of a Chief known 
under different Names, as Mrik/ah, 


144. Narrative of the Troubles [51 


came at onea Clock upon the Edg of the Swamp, 
where their Guide affured them they fhould find 
Indians enough before Night.”?8 

Our Forces chopping thus upon the Seat of 
the Enemy, upon the fudden, they had no Time 
either to draw up in any order or form of Battel, 
nor yet Opportunity to confult where or how to 
Affault. As they marched, Capt. Mo/e/y and Capt. 
Davenport led the Van; Major 4ppleton and Capt. 
Ofver brought up the Reer of the Maffachufet 
Forces; General Winflow with the Plimouth Forces 
marched in the Centre;??? thofe of Conneéficut 
came up inthe Reer of the whole Body: But 
the Frontiers difcerning Indians in the Edg of 
the Swamp, fired immediately upon them, who 
anfwering our Men in the fame Language, se- 
tired prefently into the Swamp; our Men followed 
them in amain without ftaying for the Word of 
Command, as if every one were ambitious who 
fhould go firft, never making any Stand till they 
came to the Sides of the Fort, into which the 
Indians that firft fired upon them betook them- 
felves. 


Mixano, Meika, &c. Ninigret was 228 «¢ About Noon they came to 


her Brother. Mrik/ah was the old- 
eft Son of Canonicus, and was Chief 
Sachem after the Death of his Fa- 
ther. The O/¢ Queen had feveral 
Names, as Quaiapen, Matantuck, 
Sunk Squaw, &c. She was killed 
in the Courfe of the War. See 
Book of the Indians, 248. 


a large Swamp, which by Reafon of 
the Froft all the Night before, they 
were capable of going over (which 
elfe they could not have done) they 
forthwith in one Body entered the 
Swamp.” Chronicle, 47. 

229'The General vifited Bofton 
on his Way to the Field. Benj. 


52] with the Indiansin New-England. 145 


It feems that there was but one Entrance into 
the Fort, though the Enemy found many Ways 
to come out; but neither the Englifh nor their 
Guide well knew on which Side the Entrance 
lay, nor was it eafie to have made another; 
wherefore the good Providence of Almighty God 
is the more to be acknowledged, who as he led 
Ifrael {fometime by the Pillar of Fire, and the 
Cloud of his Prefence a right Way through the 
Wildernefs; fo did he now direét our Forces 
upon that Side of the Fort, where | 52] they might 
only enter, though not without utmoft Danger 
and Hazard. ‘The Fort was raifed upon a Kind 
of Ifland of five or fix Acres of rifing Land in the 
midft of a Swamp; the fides of it were made of 
Palifadoes fet upright, the which was compaffed 
about with an Hedg of almoft a rod Thicknefs, 
through which there was no pafling, unlefs they 
could have fired away through, which then they 
had no Time to do.?3? ‘The Place where the 
Indians wfed ordinarily to enter themfelves, was 
over a long Tree upon a Place of Water, where 


round through the Country with his 
Army.” Church, Ext. Hiffory, 56. 


Church accompanied him as a Vo- 


lunteer Aid-de-Camp, and his Nar- 


ration of the Events of the Expedi- 
tion is wellknown. ‘* Having rode 
with the General to Bofton, and 
from thence to Rehoboth, upon the 
Generals Requeft he went thence 
the neareft Way over the Ferries, 
with Major Smith, to his Garrifon 
in the Narraganfet Country, to pre- 
pare and provide. for the coming of 
General -Winflow, who marched 


X 


230 <* Tn the Midft of the Swamp 
was a Piece of firm Land, of about 
three or four Acres, whereon the 
Indians had built a kind of Fort, 
being palifado’d round, and within 
that a clay Wall, as alfo felled down 
abundance of Trees to lay quite 
round the faid Fort, but they had 
not quite finifhed the faid Work.” 
Chronicle, 4.7. 


146 A Narrative of the Troubles | 52 


but one Man could enter at a time, and which 
was fo way-laid, that they would have been cut 
off that had ventured there: But at one Corner 
there was a Gap made up only with a long Tree, 
-about four or five foot from the Ground, over 
which Men might eafily ‘pafs: But they had 
placed a Kind of Block-houfe right over againft 
the faid Tree, from whence they forely galled 
our Men that firft entred; fome being fhot dead 
upon the Tree, as Capt. ‘fohnfon, and fome as 
foon as they entred, as was Capt. Davenport,?3* fo 
as they that firft entred were forced prefently to 
retire and fall upon their Bellies till the Fury of 
the Enemies fhot was pretty well fpent, which 
fome Companies that did not difcern the Danger, 
not obferving, loft fundry of their Men; but at 
the laft, two Companies being brought up be- 
fides the four that firft marched up, they animated 
one another to make another Affault,; one of the 
Commanders crying out, They run, they run; 
which did fo encourage the Soldiers, that they 
prefently entred amain.*3?_ After a confiderable 
Number were well entred, they prefently beat the 
Enemy out of a Flanker on the left Hand, which 


231 Capt. Nathaniel Davenport of his Lieutenant, to him, gave him his 
Bofton. He was mortally wounded Gun, and committed to him the 
after entering the Fort; receiving Command of his Company. Ai- 
at once three fatal Wounds. Being tory and Antiquities of Bofton, 413, 
dreffed in a full buff Suit, it was 
fuppofed the Indians took him for 232 'The firft to enter the Indian 
the Commander-in-Chief, many Fort was John Raymond of Middle- 
aiming at him at once. Before he borough, a Soldier. See Hiffory 
expired he called Edward Tyng, and Antiquities of Bofton, ib. 


5 3] with the Indians in New-England. 147 


did a little fhelter our Men from the Enemies 
Shot till more Company came up, and fo by de- 
grees made up higher, firft into the Middle, and 
then into the upper End of the Fort, till at laft 
they made the Enemy all retire from their Sconces 
and fortified Places, leaving Multitudes of their 
dead Bodies upon the Place. Conneéticut Soldiers 
marching up in the Rear, being not aware of the 
dangerous Paflage over the Tree, in Command 
of the Block-houfe, were at their firft Entrance 
many of them fhot down, although they came on 
with as gallant Refolution as any of the reft, under 
the Conduct of their wife and valiant Leader, 
Major Treat. 

The Brunt of the Battel, or Danger that day lay 
moft upon the Commanders, whofe Part it was 
to lead on their feveral Companies in the very 
Face of Death, or elfe all had been loft ; fo as all 
of them with great Valour and Refolution of 
Mind, as not at all afraid to die in fo Good a Caufe, 
bravely led on their Men in that defperate Affault, 
leaving their Lives in the Place as the beft Tefti- 
mony of their Valour, and of Love to the Caufe 
of God and their Country: No lefs than fix 
brave Captains fell | 53| that Day in the Affault, 
viz. Capt. Davenport, Capt. Gardner,*33 Capt. 


233 "The Fall of Capt. Gardner is 
thus touchingly related by Church: 
“Seeing Capt. Gardner of Salem, 
a midft the Wigwams in the Eaft 
End of the Fort, I made towards 
him; but ona fudden,. while we 
were looking each other in the Face, 


Capt. Gardner fettled down, I ftep- 
ped to him, and feeing the Blood 
run down his Cheek, lifted up his 
Cap, called him by his Name. He 
looked up in my Face but fpake not 
a Word, being mortally fhot through 
the Head.” Extertaining Hift., 58. 


148 4 Narrative of the Troubles | 53 


“fobnfon of the Ma/ffachufets, befides Lieutenant 
Upham,?3+ who died fome Months after of his 
Wounds received at that Time. Capt. Ga/lop 
alfo, and Capt. Sze/y, and Capt. Mar/hal were 
flain of thofe that belonged to Conneéticut Colony. 
It is ufually feen that the Valour of the Soldiers 
is much wrapped up in the Lives of their Com- 
manders; yet was it found here, that the Soldiers 
were rather enraged than difcouraged by the Lofs 
of their Commanders, which made them redouble 
their Courage, and not give back after they were 
entred the fecond Time, till they had driven out 
their Enemies: So as after much Blood and 
many Wounds dealt on both Sides, the Eng- 
lith feeing their Advantage, began to fire the 
Wigwams, where was fuppofed to be many of 
the Enemies Women and Children deftroyed, by 
the firing of at leaft five or fix hundred of thofe 
{moaky Cells. 

It is reported by them that firft entred the In- 
dians Fort, that our Soldiers came upon them 
when they were ready to drefs their Dinner; but 
one fudden and unexpected Affault put them be- 
fides that Work, making their Cookrooms too 
hot for them at that Time, when they and their 
Mitchin fryed together: and probably fome of 
them eat their Suppers in a colder Place that 


234 He died the following October, The diftinguifhed Gentlemen of that 
at Malden. With other Wounded Name in New Hamphhire and Maf- 


he was carried to Rhode Ifland in fachufetts are his Defcendants. See 


January, and fome time after to Upham Family Hiffory, by A. G. 
Maffachuletts. His age was 41. Upham, M.D., 1845, p. 30-1. 


| 53 | with the Indians in New-England, 149 


Night: moft of their Provifions as well as their 
Hutts being then confumed with Fire; and thofe 
that were left alive, forced to hide themfelves in 
a Cedar Swamp, not far off, where they had no- 
thing to defend them from the Cold but Boughs 
of Spruce and Pine Trees: for after two or three 
Hours fight, the Englifh became Mafters of the 
Place; but not judging it tenable, after they had 
burned all they could fet Fire upon, they were 
forced to retreat, after the Day-light was almoft 
quite {pent, and were neceffitated to retire to their 
Quarters, full fifteen or fixteen Miles off, fome 
fay more, whither with their dead and wounded 
Men they were to march, a Difficulty fcarce to 
be believed, as not to be paralleld almoft in any 
former Age.”35 

It is hard to fay who acquitted themfelves beft 
in that Days Service, either the Soldiers for their 
manlike Valour in fighting, or the Commanders for 


The General 


235 Church exerted himfelf againft 
the Policy then adopted of abandon- 
ing the Fort, and argued that many 
of the Wounded might be faved, if 
it were held. He himfelf was badly 
wounded, being ftruck by three 
Balls; ‘‘one in his Thigh, which 
was near half cut off as it glanced on 
the Joint of his hip bone.” His 
Advice was violently oppofed by 
**a certain Doétor, who looking 
upon Mr. Church, and feeing the 
Blood flow apace from his Wounds, 
told him that if he gave fuch Advice, 
he fhould bleed to death like a Dog, 
before they would endeavor to 


ftanch his Blood.” 
had already adopted Church’s Ad- 
vice, and was about to ride into the 
Fort himfelf; but as he was enter- 
ing the Swamp, one of his Captains 
feized his Horfe, faying he fhould 
not expofe himfelf, and if he did 
not defift he would fhoot his Horfe 
under: him. ‘hus it deems. the 
General was not Commander-in- 
Chief, only in Name. Doubtlefs 
the jealoufy of this ‘Captain and 
fome others, had been excited owing 
to the Confidence the General had 
placed in Mr. Church’s Judgment. 
Entertaining Hiftory, 61-2. 


A Narrative of the Troubles [54 | 


their Wifdom and Courage; leading on in the very 
Face of Death. There might one have feen the 
whole Body of that little regimental Army, as 
bufie as Bees in a Hive, fome bravely fighting 
with the Enemy, others haling off, and carrying 
away the Dead and wounded Men; which I 
rather note, that none may want the due Tefti- 
mony of their Valour and Faithfulnefs, though 
all ought to fay, Not unto us, but unto thy Name, 
O. ord ec: 

For though there might not be above three or 
four hundred at any |54| Time within the Fort 
at once, yet the Reft in their Turns came up to 
do what the Exigence of the Service required in 
bringing off the dead and wounded Men: ‘The 
Major of the Maffachufets Regiment,?3° together 
with Capt. Mo/ely, was very ferviceable; for by 
that Means the Fort being clear of the dead 
Bodies, it {truck a greater Terrour into the En- 
emy, to fee but eight or ten dead Bodies of the 
Englifh left, than to meet with fo many hundreds 
of their own flain and wounded Carkaffes. ‘The 
Number of the Slain was not then known on the 
Enemies Side, becaufe our Men were forced to 
leave them on the ground: but our Viétory was 
found afterwards to be much more Confiderable 


than at the Firft was apprehended ; for although 


150 


236 Major Samuel Appleton, who, 
moft probably furnifhed the Author 
with many of the Faéts here re- 
corded, as alfo with many others 
re{pecting ‘l'ranfactions in which he 
was immediately concerned. He 


was a Neighbor and Parifhioner of 
the Author. His Pofterity are 
quite numerous and highly refpecta- 
ble... The late eminent Merchants, 
Samuel and Nathan Appleton, of 
Bofton were among them. 


54.| with the Indiansin New-England. 151 


our Lofs was very great, not only becaufe of the 
Defperatenefs of the Attempt it felf (in fuch a 
feafon of the Year, and at fuch a Diftance from 
our Quarters, whereby many of our wounded 
Men perifhed, which might otherwife have been 
preferved, if they had not been forced to march 
fo many Miles in a cold and {nowy Night, before 
they could be dreffed)*37 yet the Enemy loft fo 
many of their principal fighting Men, their Pro- 
vifion alfo was by the burning of ‘hee Wigwams, 
fo much of it fpoiled at the taking of their Fort,73° 
and by furprizing fo much of their Corn about 
that Time alfo, that it was the Occafion of their 
total Ruine afterwards; they being at that Time 
driven away from their Habitations, and put by 
from planting for that next Year, as well as de- 
prived of what they had in Store for the prefent 
Winter. What Numbers of the Enemy were 
flain is uncertain ; it was confeffed by one Potock 
a great Councillor amongit them, afterwards 
taken at Road-Ifland, and put to Death at Bofton, 
that the Indians loft feven hundred fighting Men 
that Day, befides three hundred that died of their 
Wounds the moft of them; the Number of old 


238 Chiefly deftroyed, doubtlefs, 
after Church’s Advice had been 
overruled. In the Chronicle it is 
faid there were “‘ near 1000 Wig- 


237'This may be taken as a 
Proof of the Soundnefs of Mr. 
Charch’s Judgment. What of the 


Indians not killed were driven out ; 


“The Wigwams were Mufket- 
proof, being all lined with Bafkets 
and Tubs of Grain and other Pro- 
vifions, fufficient to fupply the whole 


Army until the Spring of the Year. 


Church, 61. 


wams. How many were burnt they 
could not tell, only, that they 
marched above three Miles from 
the Fort by the Light of the Fires.” 
Page 49. The Reader may be com- 
pelled to reinforce his Credulity. 


152  Warrative of theTroubles [54 
Men, Women and Children, that perifhed either 
by Fire, or that were ftarved with Hunger and 
Cold, None of them could tell.*39 There were 
above eighty of the Englifh flain, and a hundred 
and fifty wounded that recovered afterwards.4° 

There were feveral Circum{tances in this Vic- 
tory very remarkable. 

Firft, ‘The Meeting with one Peter a fugitive 
Indian, that upon fome Difcontent, flying frém 
the Narhagan/fets, offered himfelf to the Service 
of the Englifh, and did faithfully perform what 
he promifed, uzz. to lead them to the Swamp 
where the Indians had feated themfelves within a 
Fort raifed upon an Ifland of firm Earth, in the 
Midift of a Swamp, whither None of the Eng- 
lith could have piloted them, without his Affift- 
ance, the Place being near eighteen Miles from 
the Place where they were quartered.*4' 


Secondly, Their being by a {pecial Providence 


239 It has been pretty confidently 
afferted by later Hiftorians that this 
Eftimate is quite too large. Doubt- 
lefs the Deftruétion of the Old and 
Infirm of both Sexes, and of the 
Young was very great, as no Quar- 
ter was fhown to Any. Ninigret’s 
Men buried the Slain, who affirmed 
that among them were 22 Indian 
Captains. See Mather, Brief Hi/- 
tory, 108. Alfo Table, No. 19. 

240 No complete Lift of the Sol- 
diers engaged in the Narraganfet 
Expedition has ever been publifhed, 
fo far as] know. With much Labor 
I collected and publifhed a Lift of 


Killed and Wounded of thofe be- 
longing to Maffachufetts. Thofe 
amounted to ninety-three. See Hi/- 
tory and Antiquities Bofton, 414. 

241 A Writer in the Chronicle 
gives a very different Account of 
this Peter from that by others. 
** Some of the Souldiers accidentally 
efpied an Ivdian alone, whom they 
took and carried to the General, 
who, upon his Refufal to anfwer 
Oueftions demanded, was ordered 
to be hanged forthwith. There- 
upon the Lzdian, to fave his Life, 
told them where the whole Body of 
the Indians were.” Page 62. 


55] with the Indiansin New-England. 153 


directed juft to a Place [55] where they found fo 
eafie Entrance ; which if they had miffed, they 
could never have made a Way through the Hedg, 
with which they had furrounded the Pallifadoes 
of the Fort in half a Days Time. 

And Thirdly, If they had entred by the Way 
left by the Indians for Paflage, they might have 
been cut off before they could have come near 
their Fortification. 

Laftly, In directing their Motion, to begin the 
Affault juft at the Day they did: for if they had 
defered but a Day longer, there fell fuch a Storm 
of Snow the next Day, that they could not have 
paffed through it in divers Weeks after : And then 
on the Sudden there fell fuch a Thaw, that 
melted away both Ice and Snow; fo that if they 
had deferred till that Time, they could have 
found no Paffage into their fortified Place.*4* 

All which Confiderations put together, make 
it a fignal Favour of God to carry them through 
fo many Difficulties to accomplifh their defired 
End. For after they were retired to their Quar- 
ters, but fixteen Miles from that Place, there was 
fo great Want of Provifion,*43 the Veffels being 


242Dr, I. Mather mentions this 
great Thaw, as happening “ in the 
Midft of January. The like 
Weather hath rarely been known 
in this Land at that Time of the 
Year; albeit fome of the frft 
Planters fay it was fo above fifty 
Years ago.’ —Brief Hiftory, 114. 

| Ye 


243 <¢ But it mercifully came to 
pafs, that Capt. Andrew Belcher 
arrived at Mr. Smith’s that very 
Night from Bofton with a Veffel 
laden with Provifions for the Army, 
which muft otherwife have perifhed 
for Want.”’—Charch, 62. Quite 
a dilagreement with our Author. 


pote 


gat A Narrative of the Troubles {55 


frozen in at the Harbour about Cape Cod, that 
fhould have brought them Relief, and the Froft 
and Snow fet in fo violently, that it was not poffi- 
ble for them, with all the Force they could make 
({o many of their ableft Soldiers being flain and 
wounded) to have made another Onfet: But the 
Goodnefs of Almighty God was moft of all to be 
admired, that notwithftanding all the Hardfhip 
they endured that Winter, in very cold Lodgings, 
hard Marches, Scarcity of Provifion, yet not one 
Man was known to dye by any Difeafe or bodily 
Diftemper, fave them that perifhed of their 
Wounds. | 

Our Forces being compelled by the forefaid 
Occafions, to lye {till fome Weeks after, hoped 
alfo that the Enemy fo forely broken, would 
gladly have fued for Peace: But as was faid of 


. old, God hardned their Hearts to their own Ruine and 


Deftruétion afterwards. For as foon as our Sol- 
diers were able to march, finding that all the 
Enemies Overtures of Peace, and prolonging of 
Treaties, was only to gain Time that they might 
get away into the Woods, They purfued after 
them, and fometimes came upon their Rear, but 
then they would immediately fly an hundred 
Ways at once into Swamps, fo as our Men could 
not follow them; or if they did, could not fee 
two of them together; fo that now there was 
little Good like to be done, unlefs they could take 
them at fome Advantage. At length having 
{pent all their Provifion, and tiring themfelves in 


56| with the Indians in New-England. 155 


purfuing of them fixty or feventy Miles, up 
through the Woods towards Malborough and Lan- 
cafter, ‘Towns that lye in the Road to Conneéticut, 
having killed and taken near feventy of them, our 
Soldiers were ordered to |56| return towards 
Bofton, to recruit themfelves, {uppofing that the 
Narhaganfets, and thofe with them, were fo en- 
feebled that they would have no Mind fuddenly 
to aflault any of the Englifh Towns. 

If any defire a more particular Account of the 
Lofs which we fuftained at the taking of the 
Narbaganfet Fort, December 19. oes they may 
take it as here it rolows 

Befides the fix Captains ineathomea! before, that 
either were flain in the Affault, or dyed after- 
wards of their Wounds, to whom may be reck- 
oned Lieut. Upham, that dyed lately at Bo/fon,*44 
of the Wounds he then received. 


Major Appleton 3. 2:2. 
Therewereflain|Capt. Mofely 9. 10. 
out of the Com-)Capt. O/ver — 5., Wound- )ro. 
pany belonging )Capt. Gardner 7.( ed ie 
to Capt. Fohbnfon 3. isle 

Capt. Davenport 4. Tiss 

Lie ales va uined leer ee 


244 He is fuppofed by his Biogra- 
pher to have died in Malden. Being 
interred there the Conclufion was 
natural—See Ante, Note, 234. 
Lieutenant Upham had feen fome 
Service before he went in this fatal 


Expedition. He ferved under Capt. 
Wayte; and foon after Capt. Hutch- 
infon’s defeat went into the Nipmuck 
Country with Capt. Gorham, and 
{couted itin various Direétions, but 
could not find the Enemy. 


156 A Narrative of theTroubles {56 
Of New Haven Company, 20. 

Of Capt. Sze/y his Company, 20. 

There were flain\Of Capt. Wats his Company, 17. 
and wounded (Of Capt. Mar/balhis Co.,*45 14. 
Of the Plimouth Company 

‘under Major Bradford and 

Capt. Goram,*° 20. 

In all gi. 


If there had not been fo great a Diftance be- 
tween the Place of the Fight and their Quarters, 
and fo much Cold attending them in their re- 
tiring thereunto, fome better Account might have 
been given of that Expedition, than now they 
were able to do. For a March of fixteen or 
eighteen Miles is too much to breathe a frefh 
Soldier, unlefs he were well mounted, but enough 
to kill the Heart of them that had been wearied 
with a long and tedious Fight. As for the Coldnefs 
of the Weather, although it be a good Befom to 
{weep the Chamber of the Air (which might be 
the Reafon there was no more Difeafes amongtt 
them) yet it is an unwelcome Companion to 


245 On the Records of Windfor, 
Conn., are recorded the Names of 
Samuel Marfhall, Edward Chapman, 
Ebenezer Dibble, Nathaniel Pond, 
and Richard Saxton, “‘ that went 
againft the Indians and were wound- 
ed that they dyed. It was on Dec. 
19th, 1675.” —LE xtra by Horatio 
N. Otis, E/q. 

246 John Gorham. He fell fick 
on the March and died of a Fever, 
Feb. 5th, 1676. Ina Converfation 


with Judge Davis, the Editor of 
Morton’s Memorial, in 1830, he 
remarked, that ** Capt. Gorham was 
of Barnftable; that Benjamin Gore 
ham, the prefent Member of Con- 
grefs from this State, is a Defcend- 
ant. So is Mr. J. G. Palfrey, the 
Minifter of Brattle Street. They 
have it in Contemplation to find his 
Grave, and to erect a Monument 
over it. ‘The Place of his burial is 
faid to be in Swanzey.” 


57| with the Indians of New-England. 157 


_wearied, efpecially to wounded Men, in fo long 
a Retreat.?47 

But the Want of Provifion falling in Conjunc- 
tion with the Unfeafonablenefs of the Weather, 
and Length of the Way, hindered our Isenees 
from |57| any new Attempt upon the Enemy, 
which if they could have attended, it was thought 
it might have put an End to our Troubles; but 
he that holdeth the Scales of Victory in his Hand, 
turneth them to which Side, and by what Dee 
grees pleafeth himfelf beft. 

The reft of the Winter was fpent in fruitlefs 
Treaties about a Peace: both Sides being well 
wearied with the late defperate Fight, were will- 
ing to refrefh themfelves the remaining Part of 
the Winter, with the fhort Slumber of a pre- 
tended Peace, at leaft with a Talk or Dream 
thereof: our Commanders Aim therein was 
Chriftian and good, if it had proceeded, /c. to 
have prevented the fhedding of more Blood.*4 


247'This may be taken as a good —'T'rumbull, Wi/lory of Connecticut, 
Endorfement bya fhrewd Hiftorian i, 352. Chronicle, 57. 
of the Judgment of Mr. Church. 
On the Return of the Army to 248 <¢ On the 23d.and 24th of 
Smith’s Garrifon, a Writer in the December, the Indians fent fome 
Chronicle fays: ‘*'The noble Gen- Commiflioners to our General, to 
eral gave Order that the Wounded treat of Peace, which they had no 
and Sick fhould firft of all be cared Mind to conclude; but we foon 
for.” Page 50. ‘‘’The General perceived it was only to prevent our 
himfelf lay ina Barn.” Page 51. falling upon them, and to gain more 
Meanwhile the Connecticut Men ‘Time to remove their Army and 
under Major Treat, for Want of Provifions twenty Miles farther into 
Provifions, returned homeward. On the Country, to fome Rocks where 
their March they killed and cap- we could not get at them without 
tured fome thirty of the Enemy. much Danger.”—Cbronicle, 57. 


158 A Narrative of the Troubles 87 


And poflibly fome of the elder and wifer of the 
Enemy, did really defire what was pretended by 
them all (for they had now full Proof of the 
Valour and Refolution of the Exgii/h, which fome 
of them upon former Succefles might be ready to 
queftion) and they could not but fee their De- 
{truction already begun, in the Lofs of their 
Dwellings, and all their Provifion, as well as the 
Slaughter of the beft Part of their fighting Men; 
but either through Confcioufnefs of their bar- 
barous Treachery and Falfehood, they could not 
truft others,*49 and fo were willing to run the 
utmoft Hazard, as People hardned to their own 
Deftruction. The particular Paffages of the 
Treaty being carried on by the Enemy only in 
Pretence, and by our Men (that foon difcerned 
the Fraud) rather out of Necefflity, to conceal 
their Incapacity of engaging them anew, than 
any real Expectation of a good Effect, are not 
worthy the relating.*5° However, though the 
Foot were unable to do any Service in the Depth 
of the Snow, and Sharpnefs of the Cold, the Horfe 
was fent out upon all Occafions to fcout about 
the Country, who brought in daily much of the 
Enemies Corn and Beans, which they had hid in | 
Barns and under the Ground, or at leaft kept 
them from making ufe of their own Provifion, or 


249 "That is, they could not truft mulgated, and had not been re- 
to the Mercy of the Englifh, be- fcinded or modified. 
caufe the Decree of Death to all 
thofe who had been guilty of join- 250.'T’o what Overtures the Author 
ing in the Rebellion had been pro- has Reference is uncertain. 


58 | with the Indiansin New-England, 159 
fpoiling the Englifh Cattel; now and then alfo 


bringing in Prifoners from their Quarters, as they © 
were ftragling about to get Victuals. 

On the twenty feventh of December, Captain 
Prentice was fent into Pombams Country,?5* where 
they burnt near an hundred Wigwams, but found 
never an Indian in any of them. 

On the 28¢4 of December, a Squaw was fent to 
them, who had been taken in the Fight, with a © 
Proffer of Peace, if they would fubmit to fuch 
Terms as were propounded; the Principal of 
which was, The delivering up of all PAzkps In- 
dians that were with them; The Squaw returned 
not, pretending that fhe was lame and unable to 
come again; but the thirtieth of December, an 
Indian came from the Sachims with feeming 
Thanks for the Peace proffered; yet complained 
we made War upon them, and gave [58] them 
no Notice; but his Mouth was foon {topped by 
the Anfwer which was made him: he owned, as 
the Squaw had faid before, that they loft three 
hundred of their beft fighting Men, and fo did 
two Prifoners of theirs taken anuary the 4th, 
whereof one being of PAiips Company, was put 
to death. The Meffenger that was fent was fairly 
difmiffed with the exprefs mention of what Terms 
they muft expect if they defired a Peace. 

‘fan. 7. ‘There came two Meffengers from 
them,. as they faid, to make way for a Treaty of 
Peace ; who laid the Blame upon Canonchet, that 


251 In and about the prefent Town of Warwick, Rhode Ifland. 


A Narrative of the Troubles {58 


came down to Bo/fon in Oéfober \aft,*5* to confirm 
the Peace with the Commiflioners of the United 
Colonies, as if he had mif-informed them, wz, 
That they were not by the former Treaty to have 
delivered up the Wampanoogs, or Philips Indians, 
until the faid Canonchets Brother, one of the Hof- 
tages at Hartford, was releafed. ‘This was but a 
mere Pretence, for he and they too, better under- 
{tood the Particulars of the Agreement: For by 
Chance, the Articles which they had of the Peace 
concluded with them, were found open (whether 
purpofely or accidentally, was not known) in a 
Wigwam inthe Fort when it was taken, fo as 
they could not be ignorant of the Articles of the 
Agreement. 

Fan. 5. An Englifh Child of Eu three or 
four Years old, taken from Warwick, was fent in 
to put the better Pretence upon the Treaty men- 
tioned. 

‘fan. 8. The Meflengers were fent back, ahd 
told what they muit truft to. Inthe ARethOee 
a Meflenger came from Nimigret the old Sachim 
of Narhaganfet,53 who brought a Letter from 
Mr. Stanton the Interpreter, fignifying the Reality 
of the faid Nimzgret his Friendfhip to the Englith, 


160 


and the Streights of the 


252 T have given an Abitraét of the 
Treaty referred to here in the Book 
of the Indians, 231. 

253 He is ufually ftyled Sachem 
ofthe Nianticks. But the Nianticks 
were a Tribe of Narraganfets, Nini- 


Enemy; that Corn was 


gret’s Seat was in what is fince 
Wefterly, R. I, formerly a Part of 
Stonington. Its Indian Name was 
Mifquamicock, or Mifquamicut.— 
Parfons, Invdian Names, 15. Ar- 
nold, Hi/f?. Rhode Ifland, i, 276. 


59| with thelndians in New-England. 161 


two Shillings a Pint with them. Yet notwith- 
{tanding all their Difficulties, they rather delayed 
the Time till they could get away, than really 
_ endeavoured the making a Peace, as was foon 
manifeft: for that young infolent Sachim Canon- 
chet, and Panoquin,?5+ faid they would fight it out 
to the laft Man, rather than they would become 
Servants to the Englith. 

fan. 10. Frefh Supplies of Soldiers came up 
from Bofion, wading through a fharp Storm of 
Snow, that bit fome of them by the Heels with 
the Froft.755 The next Day one that came with 
them, going out with the Scouts fell amongft the 
Indian-Barns, in one of which he was groping to 
find Corn for the Relief of his Horfe, he catched 
hold of an Indians Hair under the Leaves, who 
prefently held up his Hands when the Soldier 
was drawing his Sword, to {pare his Life, which 
was granted; but after he was brought to the 
Head Quarters he would own nothing but what 
[59] was forced out of his Mouth, by the Wool- 
ding*s° of his Head with a Cord; wherefore he 
was prefently judged to die as‘a Wampanoog. © 
_ Jan. r2. Another Meffenger came from Ca- 
nonicus, defiring the Space of a Month longer, 
wherein to iflue the ‘Treaty, which fo provoked 
the Commander of our Forces, that they refolved 


25!'The fame elfewhere called 
Quinnapin. He was Son of a noted 
Chief named Conjanaquond, and a 
Brother-in-law to King Philip.— 
See Book of the Indians, 239, 241 

255 A Letter dated February gth, 
1675-6, fays: ‘‘ Care is now taken 


Z 


to raife a thoufand Men more to 
attend the General, which will fud- 
denly march; What the Iffue will 
be the Lord only knows.” C4ro- 
nicle, 51. 

256 Winding a Cord tightly round 
the Head. A naval Term. 


162. A WNarrative of the Troubles [59 


to have no more Treaties with the Enemy, but 
prepare to aflault them, with Gods Affiftance, as 
foon as ever the Seafon would permit; and it was 
high Time to take up that Refolution ; for within 
a few Days after, they underftood by fome that 
were taken Prifoners, that the Enemy were gone, 
or going into the Nzpmunk Country. 

Within a few Days after, about an. 16th, the 
Scouts brought in one ‘fo/hua Tift, a Renegado 
Englifh man of Providence, that upon fome 
Difcontent amongft his Neighbours, had turned 
Indian, married one of the Indian Squaws, re- 
nounced his Religion, Nation and natural Parents 
all at once, fighting againft them. He was taken 
by Captain Fenner of Providence, who with fome. 
of his Neighbours were purfuing fome Judians 
that had driven away their Cattel. This T7ft 
being one of the Company, was wounded in the 
Knee, and fo was feized by the Englifh; he had 
in his Habit conformed himfelf to them amongft 
whom he lived. After Examination, he was 
condemned to die the Death of a Traytor. As 
to his Religion he was found as ignorant as an 
Heathen, which no doubt caufed the fewer Tears 
to be fhed at his Funeral; Standers by being un- 
willing to lavifh Pity upon him that had divefted 
himfelf of Nature itfelf, as well as Religion, in a 
Time when fo much Pity was needed elfewhere, 
and nothing left befides wherewith to relieve the 
Sufferers.?57 


257 Could there have been a fair might have had a different Account 
Court-martial upon the Victim, we of Tift. See Roger Williams’ Let- 


60| withthe Indiansin New-England. 163 


Jan. 21. Capt. Prentice his Troop being abroad 
met with a Party of the Enemy, of whom they 
took two Prifoners, and killed nine, in which 
Exploit fomething hapned very remarkable; for 
one W. Dodge?s* of Salem, riding in Company with 
another Friend, they hapned to meet with two 
Indians. .'The faid Dodge being better horfed than 
his Friend, made after the foremoft, leaving his 
Friend to deal with the hindmoft ; but his Piftol 
miffed firing ; Whereupon the Indian taking him 
by the Leg turn’d him off his Horfe, and getting 
upon him was about killing him an his Knife, 
which W. Dodge by chance efpied, and came time 
enough to refcue his Friend, and difpatch the 
Indian lying upon him, and yet overtook the firft 
Indian he was purfuing, time enough to do his 
Bufinefs alfo: by that Means he did three good 
Offices at once, faved the Life of one Friend, and 
flew two of his Enemies. But within two or 
three Days after, the Weather much altering from 
what it was, induced our Forces to take the firft 
Opportunity to purfue the Enemy, who as they 
under[60|ftood by Meflengers from Providence, 
were now upon their Flight into the Nipmuck- 
Country: But fo many Difficulties were caft in 


ters lately publifhed in Vol. 36, 
Maffachufetts Hiftorical Collections, 
307, 311. Mr. Williams attended 
the Examination of Tift, and took 
down his Replies to Queftions then 
put to him, the Subftance of which 
he embodied ina Letter to Gov. 
Leverett. From that Communica- 


tion Tift does not appear to have 
been fuch a Wretch as here repre- 
fented. See alfo Mather’s Brief 


Hiftory, 108. 


258 Probably William, Son of 
William Dodge, whom we find at 
Salem, 1629. See Felt, Hz/fory of 
Salem, i, 99. 


A Narrative of the Troubles [60 


their Way, that they could not be ready time 
enough to prevent the Mifchief they did at 
Warwick, as they took their Farewell of their 
Country :%59 For, 

Fan. 27. They defpoiled Mr. Carpenter of two 
hundred Sheep, and fifty Head of Neat Cattel, and 
fifteen Horfes; all which they drove along with 
them, and were gone too far to be refcued before 
our Forces fet out. ‘Two that belonged to the 
faid Carpenter were wounded,?® and one of the 
Enemies flain. As they marched after the Enemy, 
they found a good Houfe burned, with a Barn 
belonging to it. They perceived alfo that the 
Enemy dealt much in Horfe-flefh, meeting with 
no lefs than fixty Horfes Heads in one Place, 
which they had left behind them: our Soldiers in 
their Purfuit came upon their Reer, killed and took 
about feventy of them, yet could never come to 


164 


259 “The Winter being now broken 
up, and the Snow and Ice all gone, 
our Army, confifting in all of 1600 
Men, began their March to the 
Rocks, where the Indians were fled 
for Protection; but in their Way 
they had Intelligence that 300 In- 
dians had been at Patuxit, an Eng- 
lifh Plantation on the Narraganfet 
Bay, where they burnt Mr. Car- 
_penter’s Corn and Hay, and all his 
Houfes except his Dwelling-houfe, 
which likewife they had {fet on Fire, 
but it was again quenched by fome 
Englifhthatwereinit. ‘They likewife 
drove away with them 180Sheep, 50 
Head of large Cattle, and 15 Horfes: 


Befides they took much Cattel from 
young Mr. Harris, and killed a 
Negro-fervant of his.” CAromcle, 
58. The young Mr. Harris was 
probably Mr. Andrew Harris, Son 
of William Harris who went to 
Providence with Roger Williams. 

260 This may be an Error, for it 
will be feen by the laft Note, that 
nothing is faid about any one’s being 
wounded ; and the Author of that 
Information appears to have written 
from perfonal Knowledge. The Mr. 
Carpenter who met with fo large a 
Lofs, was probably William, Son of 
William of Providence the Emi- 
grant. 


60| with the Indians in New-England. 165 
charge them, for they would prefently betake 


themfelves into Swamps, and not two of them run 
together, fo as they faw it was an endlefs Work 
to proceed further in the Chafe of fuch an Enemy; 
but our Forces having purfued them into the 
Woods between Mar/borough and Brookfield, in the 
Road toward Connecticut, were conftrained to turn 
down to Bofon in the Beginning of February, for 
want of Provifion both for themfelves and their 
Horfes, which gave an Occafion to the Lofs of 
thofe lefler Towns that were deftroyed by the 
Nipnet-Indians, who prefently joined with the 
Narhaganfets upon their firft approach, as fhall 
be related afterwards. 

About the tenth of February next, fome hun- 
dreds of the Indians, (whether Nipnets or Nafha- 
way-men is uncertain) belonging to him they call 
Sagamore Sam, and poflibly fome of the ftouteft 
of the Narhagan/ets that had efcaped the Winter- 
brunt, fell upon Lancaffer, a {mall Village of about 
fifty or fixty Families, and did much Mifchief, 
burning moft of the Higies that were not Cee 
ed :? and which is moft fad and awful to confider, 
the Houfe of Mr. Row/andj/on,* Minifter of the faid 
Lancafter, which was Garrifoned with a compe- 
tent Number of the Inhabitants; yet the Forti- 


261'T'wo of the Praying Indians 
had been fent out among the hof- 
tile Indians as Spies, by General 
Gookin, with the Approbation of 
Government. They gave Informa- 
tion, which if it had been heeded, 


would have faved Lancafter, and 
perhaps other ‘Towns, 

202 Mr. Jofeph Rowlandfon— 
Some Account’of him in Felt’s 
Ipfwich, 74, Wifner’s Hiffory Old 
South, 84, and Allen, Biog. Dict. - 


166 A Narrative of the Troubles [61 


fication of the Houfe being on the Backfide, 
clofed up with Fire-wood, the Indians got fo near 
as to fire a Leantoo, which burning the Houfe 
imediately to the Ground, all the Perfons therein 
were put to that hard Choice, either to perifh by 
the Flames with the Houfe, or to yield them- 
felves into the Hands of thofe cruel Sa/vages ; 
which laft (confidering that a living Dog is better 
than a dead Lion) they chofe, and fo were forty 
two Perfons furprized by the Indians: Above 
twenty of the Women and Children they carried 
away Captive, a rueful Spectacle to behold; the 
reft being Men, they killed in |61] the Plate or 
referved for firtnes Mifery : and many of the At. 
that were not flain in fighting, were killed in at- 
tempting to efcape. The Minifter himfelf was 
occafionally abfent, to feek Help from the Gov- 
ernour, and Council to defend that Place, who 
returning, was entertained with the tragical News 
of his Wife and Children furprized, and being 
carried away by the Enemies, and his Houfe 
turned into Afhes; yet it pleafed God fo to up- 
hold his Heart, comforting himfelf in his God, 
as David at Ziklag, that he would always fay, he 
believed he fhould Jee bis Wife and Children again, 
which did in like Manner foon come to. pafs 
within five or fix Months after; all fave the 
youngeft, which being wounded at ‘the firft, died 
foon after among the Indians. 

And fuch was the Goodnefs of God to thofe 
poor captive Women and Children, that they 


61| with the Indians in New-England. 167 


found fo much Favour in the Sight of their Ene- 
mies, that they offered no Wrong to any of their 
Perfons, fave what they could not help, being in 
many Wants themfelves; Neither did they offer 
any uncivil Carriage to any of the Females, nor 
ever attempted the Chaftity of any of them, either 
being reftrained of God, as was Aéimelech of old ; 
or by fome accidental Caufe, which held them 
from doing any Wrong in that Kind.*°3 

Upon the Report of this Difafter, Capt. Wad/- 
worth then at Marlborough with about forty refo- 
lute Men, adventuring the refcuing of the Town 
that was remaining; and having recovered a Bridg, 
they gat over fafe, though the Planks were pulled 
off by the Enemy ; and being led up in a Way 
not difcovered by them, they forced the Indians 
for the prefent to quit the Place, after they had 
burnt and deftroyed the better Half of it. Yet 
afterwards it not being judged tenable, it was 
abandoned to the Pleafure of the infulting Foe.*% 

Ten Days after, they were fo flufhed with this 
Succefs, that two or three hundred of them came 
wheeling down to Medfield, a' Town twenty Miles 
from Boffon, weftward from Dedham, which they 
furprized very early in the Morning (and though 
there were one hundred and fixty Soldiers in it 
or more, befides the Inhabitants) they burnt near 


263 This is what Mrs. Rowland- thirty Years. The Author has given 
fon has narrated in the Narrative of further Details.of its Deftruétion in 
her Captivity. another Part of his Work. See Z2dz, 

. 264 Lancafter was a flourifhing No.21. Seealfo Willard’s Hi/. of 
Town, and had been fettled about Lancaffer, in Worceffer Magazine. 


168 4 Narrative of the Troubles  |62 


one Half of the Town, killing about twenty 
Perfons; but by the Refiftance of the Soldiers, as 
foon as ever they could be gotten together (it 
being at or before break of Day, none in the leaft 
fufpecting fuch an Affault fo early) they were 
quickly forced to-forfake the Place, and fo (not 
without fome lofs) took their Way to Phmouth 
Colony.”°5 

The Weftern Towns above Connecticut, were 
the chief Seat of the War, and felt moft of the 
Mifchiefs thereof in the End of the Year 1675: 
but the Scene is now to be changed; and the 
other Towns and the Vil[62|lages that lye Eaft- 
ward nearer Boffon, muft bear their Part in the 
like Tragedies: for as was faid before, the Nar- 
haganfets having been driven out of the Country, 
fled through Nzpuet Plantations, towards Watchu- 
Jet Hills*®® meeting with all the Indians that had 
harboured all Winter in thofe Woods about Naj/b- 
away; they all combined together againft the 
Englith, yet divided their Numbers, and one half 
of them were obferved to bend their Courfe 
towards Plmouth, taking Medfeld in their Way, 
which they endeavoured to burn and fpoil, Feb. 


265 T have given the Names of the 
Killed in Medfield as far as could 
be afcertained by the Rev. Dr. San- 
ders, and inferted in his Century 
Sermon in that Town, delivered in 
1817, in a Note in Mather’s Brief 
Hiffory, 120. In his Table, No. 
28, the Author fays “17 were flain.” 
but Dr. Sanders found but fixteen. 


266 Now ufually called Wachufet 
Mountain. It is in the Town of 
Princeton in Worcefter County. 
Princeton was thus named for the 
Rev. Thomas Prince cf Bofton, a 
large Proprietor of Land there, fo 
well known for his Refearches into 
the early Hiftory of New Eng- 
land. 


62| withthe Indiansin New-England. 169 


21. 1675, as their Fellows had done Lancaffer ten 
Days before. 

The Surprizal of this Medfe/d in regard of fome 
remarkable Circumftances it was attended with, 
is not unworthy a more particular relating the 
Manner thereof: the Lofs of Lancaffer had fuffi- 
ciently awakened and alarmed the neighbouring 
Villages, all to ftand upon their Guard; and fome 
had obtained Garifon-Soldiers for their greater 
Security, as was the Cafe with the Town of Med- 
field, within twenty two Miles of Boffon. And at 
that Time were lodged therein feveral Garifon 
Soldiers, befides the Inhabitants; yet being bil-, 
lated up and down in all quarters of the Town, 
could not be gathered together till a great part 
of the Town was fet on fire, and many of the 
Inhabitants flain ; which how it could be effected, 
is ftrange to believe: But moft of thofe inland 
Plantations being over run with young Wood 
(the Inhabitants being every where apt to engrofs 
more Land into their Hands than they were able 
to fubdue) as if they were feated amidift of a Heap 
of Bufhes, their Enemies took the Advantage 
thereof, and fecretly over-night, conveyed them- 
felves round about the Town, fome getting under 
the Sides of the Barns and Fences of their 
Orchards, as is fuppofed, where they lay hid under 
that Covert, till break of Day, when they fud- 
denly fet upon fundry Houfes, {hooting them that 
came firft out of their doors, and then fired their 
Houfes, efpecially thofe Houfes where the Inhab- 

Aa 


> 


170 ©. Narrative of the Troubles | 63» 


itants were repaired to Garifons [and] were fit 
for the Purpofe: fome were killed as they attempt- 
ed to fly to their Neighbours for Shelter: fome were 
only wounded, and fome taken alive and car- 
ried Captive; in fome Houfes the Hufband run- 
ning away with one Child, the Wife with another, 
of whom the one was killed, the other efcaped: 
they began at the Eaft-end of the Town, where 
they fired the Houfe of one Samuel Mor/e,*% that 
feems to have been a Signal to the reft to fall on’ 
in other Parts, moft of the Houfes in the Weft 
or Southweft end of the Town were foon burnt 
down; and generally when they burnt any Out 
houfes the Cattel in them were burnt alfo. Two 
Mills belonging to the Town were burnt alfo: a 
poor old Man of near an hundred Years old,?® 
was burnt in one of the Houfes that were con-| 63 

fumed by Fire. The Lieutenant of the Town, 
Adams by Name,?°? was fhot down by his own 
Door, and his Wife mortally wounded by a Gun 
fired afterwards accidentally. in the Houfe.+7° 
After the burning of forty or fifty Houfes and 
Barns, the Cannibals were frighted away out of 


267 Profefflor Abner Morfe has 269 Henry, Son of the firft Henry 
given an interefting Account of the Adams of Braintree. His Wife was 
Affairs of Medfield at this Period, Elizabeth Paine. Thefe were ‘the 
in his Hiffory of Sherburne. immediate Anceftors of the well 

258 His Name was John Fufill. known Authorefs, Mifs Hannan 
The Name Fufill is not found in Apbams, formerly of Bofton. 
Farmer’s Regiffer, and all Savage 270 This painfully agonizing Cir- 
found is,—*‘ Fufill, John, Wey- cumftance is minutely detailed by 
mouth, 1640. Jofhua, Medfield, Gen. Gookin, and alfo in the Book 
1649.” of the Indians, 221. 


63 | with the Indians in New-England. 171 


the Town over a Bridg that lies upon Charles 
River, by the {hooting off a Peice of Ordnance two 
or three times: when they had paffed over the 
Bridge they fired one End thereof to hinder our 
Men from purfuing them; they were thought to 
be above five hundred. ‘There were flain and 
mortally wounded feventeen or eighteen Perfons, 
befides others dangeroufly hurt. The Lofs fuf- 
tained by the Inhabitants amounted to above two 
thoufand Pounds. ‘This Mercy was obferved in 
this fad Providence, that never a Garifon-houfe 
was loft in this furprifal; nor any of the principal 
Dwellings; fo as the chiefeft and beft of their 
Building efcaped the Fury of the Enemy, who 
as they pafled the Bridg, left a Writing behind 
them, exprefling fomething to this Purpofe, that 
we had provoked them to Wrath, and that they 
would fight with us this twenty Years (but they 
fell fhort of their Expectation by nineteen) add- 
ing alfo, that they had nothing to lofe, whereas 
we had Houfes, Barns and Corn :?7! thefe were 
fome of the bold Threats ufed by the barbarous 
Crew, but their Rage fhall proceed no further 
than the Counfel of God had determined. ‘The 
Week before was heard a very hideous Cry of a 


271 This Writing was a Sort of 
Letter, written as infultingly as the 
Author’s Knowledge of the Englifh 
Language wouldallow. It may have 
been the Work of James-the-Printer. 
Tt was thus: ‘* Know by this Paper, 
that the Indians that thou haft pro- 
voked to Wrath and Anger will war 


this twenty-one Years, if you will. 
There are many Indians yett We 
come 300 atthis Time. You mutt 
confider that the Indians lofe nothing 
but their Life. You mutt lofe your 
fair Houfes and Cattle.” Book of the 
Indians, 221. Contents are given by 
the Author fufficient for his Purpofe. 


172 A Narrative of the Troubles [63 


Kennel of Wolves round the Town, which raifed 
fome of the Inhabitants and was looked upon by 
divers as an ominous Prefaging of this following 
Calamity. 

Another Affault was feared ; but as foon as the 
Soldiers could be gathered together, they turned 
their Backs, as if they never intended to vifit 
them more; whither thefe Indians went when 
they left Medfield is not fo certainly known; the 
Soldiers in the Town not having Opportunity to 
purfue them over the River, by Reafon that the 
Bridge was part of it burned; but itis moft pro- 
bable that they took their Way toward Phmouth, 
and continued about that Side of the Country for 
the Future, waiting Opportunities to do what 
Mifchief they could to the Englifh in thofe Parts: 
For within a Month after this Affault of Medfield, 
there was near fix hundred of them feen about 
Patuxit?7? and Providence, where Capt. Pverce 
with about fifty of his Men were loft, though 
with no great Advantage to the Enemy, who at 
that Time loft above double that Number: our 
worthy Captains in this and other Exploits being 
called to imitate Samp/on, who was content to die 
with his Enemies that he might overthrow them 
thereby ; it having fo fallen out with many of 
our choice Commanders, and Soldiers at Deerfield, 


272 A {mall River that empties confounded with Pawtucket, as is 
into Narraganfet Bay about four the Cafe in this Inftance, and elfe- 
Miles foutheafterly of Providence. where. They may have been named 
See Zable, No. 20. It is often from the fame Peculiarity. 


64.| with the Indians in New-England. 173 


Narbaganfet, Patuxit, and likewife not long after 
at Sudbury.*73 

[64| The Governour and Council of Phmouth 
perceiving by the Report of thefe Outrages com- 
mitted upon the Towns of the Ma/ffachu/fets, that 
they were likely to be vifited this Spring by their 
old Neighbours, fent out Capt. Prerce of Scituate,?7+ 
about the latter end of March, with about fifty 
Englith, and twenty of their Chriftian Indians 
about Cape Cod, who proved none of his wortft 
Soldiers, as the Sequel of this his laft Expedition 
will declare.?75 

Capt. Pzerce, as is faid before, being fent out 
to purfue the Enemy, marched towards Patuxet, 
where he underftood the Indians were many of 
them gathered together: he being a Man of 
refolute Courage, was willing to engage them, 
though upon never fo great Difadvantage: fome 
fay the Indians by Counterfeiting, drilled him into 
a kind of Ambutfh; poflibly more of them dif- 
covered themfelves after he began to engage, than 
he was aware of: and being gotten over the 


273 Or, we fhould now fay, At under Preffe, from the fouthern 


Bloody Brook, Narraganfet Fort, 
and the Defeat and Death of Capt. 
Wad{worth. 

274 Michael Pierce had been a 
Refident in Hingham and Wey- 
mouth before he went to Scituate. 
See Deane’s Hiffory of Scituate, 325. 

275 On the 29th of February, 
1675-6, the Council of Plymouth 
ordered, ‘that the Souldiers now 


Townes be at Plymouth on Wed- 
nefday, the 8th of this Inftant, in 
order vnto a further March, and 
with them 20 or 30 of the fouthern 
Indians, whoe together with the 
other whoe are vnder Preffe, to goe 
forth vnder the Comand of Cap- 
taine Michael Peirfe and Lieftenant 
Samuell Fuller.” Plymouth Colonial 
Records, v, 187. 


174. A Narrative of the Troubles [| 64. 


River in Purfuit of them, where he difcovered fo 
great a Number of them, he drew down towards 
the Side of the River, hoping the better by that 
Means to prevent their furrounding of him, but 
that proved his Overthrow which he intended as 
his greateft Advantage: for the Indians getting 
over the River, fo galled him from thence, that 
he was not able to defend himfelf thus Affaulted 
on all Sides, and himfelf not being able to travel 
much a foot, was thereby hindred, from retiring 
to any better Place in time; fo as he faw himfelf 
conftrained to fight it out to the laft; which he > 
did with moft undaunted Courage, and as is faid, 
to the Slaughter of an hundred and forty of his 
Enemies,’7° before himfelf and his Company were 
cut off. It is faid alfo, that being apprehenfive 
of the Danger he was in, by the great Numbers 
of the Enemy, like to overpower him with their 
Multitude, he fent a Meffenger,”’7 timely enough 
to Providence, for Relief; but (as Solomon faith, 
A faithful Meffenger is as Snow in Harveft: another 


waited till that was over before de- 
livering it. As.foon as Capt. Ed- 


276 It is not probable that much 
over half of that Number was killed. 


277 Qn the Morning of March 
26th, being in Garrifon at Reho- 
both, and learning there was a Body 
of Indians at Pawtucket Falls, Capt. 
Pierce difpatched a Letter to Capt. 
Edmunds at Providence, requefting 
his cOoperation againft thofe Indians. 
But the Meffenger by whom the 
Letter was fent, arriving at Provi- 
dence after the Forenoon Service 
had commenced (for it was Sunday) 


munds had read it, he impatiently 
exclaimed, ‘‘It is now too late,” 
and fharply reprimanded the Bearer 
for neglecting to deliver the Letter 
at once. See Backus, Hi/tory of 
New England, 1, 423; Blifs, Ai/- 
tory of Rehoboth, 90. Mr. Blifs 
miftook the Name of Capt. Ed- 
munds, giving itas Edwards. Heis 
the fame Capt. Andrew Edmunds 
mentioned in Note 1409. 


65| with the Indians in New-England. 175 


is as Smoak to the Eyes and Vinegar to the Teeth) 
whether through Sloth or Cowardice, is not much 
material, this Mefiage was not delivered to them 
to ahaa it was immediately fent ; by Accident 
only fome of Rehoboth underftanding of the Dan- 
ger, after the Evening Exercife (it being on the 
‘Lords Day, March 26. 1676) repaired to the 
Place; but then it was too late to bring help, 
unlefs it were to be Spectators of the dead Carkafes 
of their Friends, and to perform the laft Office of 
Love to them. 278 

It is worth the noting, what Faithfulnefs and 
Courage fome of the Chriftian Indians with the 
faid Capt. Pezrce fhewed in the Fight: one of 
them, -4mos*79 by Name, after the Captain was 
fhot in his Leg or Thigh, fo as he was not able 
to ftand any longer, would not leave him, but 
charging his Gun feveral Times, fired ftoutly 
upon the Enemy, till he |65] faw ‘that there was 
no poffibility for him to do any further good to 
Capt. Pzerce, nor yet to fave himfelf, if he ftayed 
any longer ; ehecerore he ufed this Policy, perceiv- 
ing the Enemy had -all blacked their Faces, he 
alfo ftooping down, pulled out fome Blacking out 
of a Pouch he carried with him, difcoloured his 
Face therewith, and fo making himfelf as like 


278 The Place where this Battle ufing a Copy of Hubbard with 
was fought is minutely defcribed by Omiffions. See Zable, No. 20. 
Mr. Blifsin his HiZory of Rehoboth, 279 Amos, fo cafually mentioned 
88, but he does not mention 44é07’s here was a Warrior of greater Re- 
Run, nor could he decide with Cer-  nown than many who have received 
tainty the precife Point onthe River voluminous Diftinétion. He was 
where it took place, owing to his well known as Capt. Amos, and be- 


176 A Narrative of the Troubles [65 


Hobamacko?*®° as any of his Enemies: he ran 
amongft them a little while, and was taken for 
one of themfelves, as if he had been fearching for 
the Englifh, until he had an Opportunity to 
e{cape away among the Bufhes: therein imitating 
the Cuttle-fith, which when it is purfued, or in 
danger, cafteth out of its Body a thick Humor, 
as black as Ink, through which it paffes away 
unfeen by the Purfuer. 3 
It is reported of another of thefe Cape Indians 
(Friends to the Englith of Pimouth) that being 
purfued by one of the Enemies, he betook him- 
felf to a great Rock, where he fheltered himfelf 
fora while; at laft perceiving that his Enemy lay 
ready with his Gun on the other Side, to dif- 
charge upon him, as foon as he ftir’d never fo 
little away from the Place where he ftood: in 
the iffue he thought of this politick Stratagem to 
fave himfelf and deftroy his Enemy, (for as So/o- 
mon {aid of old, Wi/dom 1s better than Weapons of 
War :\ he took a Stick, and hung his Hat upon 
it, and then by degrees gently lifted it up, till he 
thought it would be feen and fo. become a fit 
Mark for the other that watched to take aim at 
him; the other taking it to be his Head, fired a 
Gun, and fhot through the Hat; which our 
Chriftian Indian perceiving, boldly held up his 


fides ferving with high Reputation 250 A Name given by the Indians 
in this War, he ferved with equal to an imaginary Evil-fpirit, corre- 
Diftinction in the Eaftern War un- fponding to that of Devi/ with the 
der Major Church. See Book of Englifh. Why the early Friend of the 
the Indians, 269-70. Pilgrims was fo called is nat known, 


66] with the Indiansin New-England. 177 | 


Head and difcharged his own Gun upon the real 
Head, not the Hat of his Adverfary, whereby he 
{hot him dead upon the Place, and fo had liberty 
to march away with the Spoils of his Enemy. 

The like fubtle Device was ufed by another of 
the Cape Indians at the fame Time, being one of 
them that went out with Capt. Pzerce; for being 
in like Manner purfued by one of PAziip’s Indians, 
as the former was, he nimbly got behind the 
But-end of a Tree newly turned up by the Roots, 
which carried a confiderable Breadth of the Sur- 
face of the Earth along with it (as is very ufual 
in thefe Parts, where the Roots of the Trees lie 
very fleet in the Ground) which ftood up above 
the Indians Height in Form of a large Shield, 
only it was fomewhat too heavy to be eafily 
wielded or removed: the Enemy-Indian lay with 
his Gun ready to {hoot him down, upon his firft 
differting his Station; but a fubtle Wit taught 
our Chriftian Netop**' a better Device ; for boring 
a little Hole through this his broad Shield, he 
difcerned his Enemy, who could not fo eafily dif- 
cern him; a good Mufketier need never defire a 
fairer Mark to fhoot at; whereupon discharging 
his Gun, he fhot him down: what can be more 
juft than that he fhould himfelf be killed, who 
lay in [66] wait to kill another Man? 





Neque enim Lex juftior ulla eft, 
Quam necis Artifices arte perire Jua. 


281 This was the Word for Friend among the New England Indians. 
Bb 


A Narrative of the Troubles — | 66 


Inftances of this Nature fhew the Subtilty and 
Dexteroufnefs of thefe Natives, if they were im- 
proved in Feats of Arms: and poflibly if fome of 
the Englifh had not been too fhye in making ufe 
of fuch of them as were well affected to their in- 
tereft, they need never have fuffered fo much 
from their Enemies: it having been found upon 
late Experience, that many of them have proved 
not only faithful, but very ferviceable and helpful 
to the Englifh; they ufually proving good 
Seconds, though they have not ordinarily Confi- 
dence enough to make the firft Onfet. 

But to return to the Proceeding of the Indians 
toward Plimouth: 

Feb. 25, They aflaulted Weymouth, and burned 
feven or eight Houfes and Barns there, which 
Weymouth is a ‘Town lying towards Plhmouth 
Colony.?*? 

March 12. following, They affaulted the Houfe 
of one Mr. Clark in Plhimouth, cruelly murthering 
eleven Perfons that belonged to two Families 
that lodged therein, and then fired the Houfe. 
The Cruelty towards thefe Perfons was the more 


178 


282 Baylies, the Old Colony Hif- 
torian, adds nothing to this Account 
of the burning of Weymouth; nor 
do others who have written on this 
War. The Town having been de- 
ferted, there was not much to be 
faid except in giving the Names of 
the Owners and their Loffes. There 
was a Weymouth man named R:- 


chard Rufs, with Capt, Mofely in 


his Fight with the Indians who de- 
feated Capt. Lothrop, who was fe- 
verely wounded in the Abdomen; 
“the Bullet carrying in with it the 
Ring of his Bandileer. The Ring 
remained in the Wound about three 
Years, and was then “‘ cut out by a 
Dutch Chirurgion,” who charged 
him forty Shillings for the Opera- 
tion.— MS, Petition, 


66] with the Indians in New-England. 179 


remarkable, in that they had often received much 
Kindnefs from the faid C/arkd. It is the ufual 
Cuftome of fuch Debtors to ufe them worft, of 
whom they have taken up much Kindnefs upon 
truft before hand.?*3 

March 17. Another Party of them fell upon 
Warwick, a Place beyond Péziip’s Land, toward 
the Narhaganfet Country, where they burnt down 
to the Ground all but a few Houfes, left ftanding 
as a Monument of their barbarous Fury.7** The 
like Mifchief was acted by them upon the Houfes 
of the Englifh remaining in the Narhagan/fet 
Country.*8s 

This 26 of March being the firft Day of the 
Week, as the firft of the Year after our Sulan 
account, feemed ominous at the firft on fundry 
Accounts, threatning a gloomy Time, yet proved 
in the Iffue but as a louring Morning before a 
lightfome Day : For befides the burning of Mar/- 
borough, at leafta great Part of it on the fame 
Day, a very fad Accident fell out the fame Time 
at Spring field, as fhall be {pecified hereafter; be- 


283 Mr, Clark’s Houfe was about 
two Miles from the Village of Ply- 
mouth, at a Place called Ee/ River. 
I have given from unpublifhed MSS. 
and other Sources, the moft of what 
is to be learned refpeéting that 
fhocking Affair, in the Book of the 
Indians, 245-6. See alfo Dr. I. Ma- 
ther, Brief Hift., Appendix, 252-3. 

284 «« The Town was entirely de- 
ftroyed, except one Houfe built of 
Stone that could not be burnt. Only 


one of the Inhabitants was flain.”— 
Arnold, Hiffory of Rhode Ifiand, i, 
408. ‘The Name of the Perfon 
flain is not given. ‘The Inhabitants 
had fled to the Ifland fome time be- - 
fore. 

285 Tt is not clear to what particu- 
lar Houfes the Author refers; per- 
haps he has reference to the general 
Devaftation in that Region. Mr. 
Potter’s Hiffory of Narragan/et does 


not aid us. 


180 A Narrative of the Troubles [67 


fides that which befell Capt. Pierce, which is 
already related, with whom fell fo many of his 
Soldiers on the fame day alfo: yet had the Ene- 
my no Caufe to boaft, being forced by the Valor 
of the Englifh, to give fo many of their own 
Lives in exchange: fome Few made their Efcape, 
as is faid by fubtil devices: befides the three fore- 
mentioned, another by a like Shift, not only 
faved himfelf, but helped an Englith- man to 
efcape alfo, mahom he ran after with his Hatchet 
in his Hand as if he were about to kill him; 
whereby both of them made a fhift to get away: 
the Reft were all loft (the Unfaithfullnefs of the 
Meffenger being as was intimated before [67] the 
Caufe of their Slaughter) unto a Few that hardly 
efcaped by the Advantage of the Buthes, giving 
them Opportunity to pafs unfeen : yet was it con- 
fefled by a Prifoner of the Enemy, taken after- 
wards by the Englith, that they loft an hundred 
and forty in that Encounter.8° And had not 
the faid Englifh by wading after the Enemy over 
a River, made their Amunition ufelefs, there had 
not Half fo many of them been cut Sis From 
thence they turned back towards Rehoboth near 
Swanzy, where on March 28, they burnt thirty 
Barns, and near upon forty dwelling Houfes, 
thereby as it were threatning the utter Defola- 
tion of that poor Town ;**7 and fo proceeding on 


286 Statements of Deferters and 287 Mr. Blifs has, in his excellent 
Confeflions of Captivesare fooften Hiffory of Rehoboth, given num- 
Exaggerations or real Fabrications, erous Particulars of the Deftruction 
that little Dependence can be placed of that Town, written and tradi- 
upon them. tionary, which the moft diligent 


67| with the Indiansin New-England. 181 


that Side the Country, they burnt the very next 
Day about thirty Houfes in Providence in the 
Way toward Narbagan/fet.?*® 

But it was now full Sea with PA: his Affairs : 
for foon after the Tide of his Succefles began to 
turn about the Sea-coaft, which made Way for 
the falling of the Water up higher in the Coun- 
try. For about this Time News came to Boon 
that our Neighbours and Friends of Conneéticut 
Colony, hearing of the Attempts of the Enemy on 
that Side of the Country, fent a Party of their 
Soldiers, under the Command of Capt. George 
Denifon ; with fome friendly Indians, part Mohegins 
and Peguods, part Nyanticks belonging to Ninigret 
a Narhaganfet Sachem, who never engaged in this 


and perfevering Refearch could 
lay open. And here, in pafling, 
it may -be proper to pay a Tribute 
of refpect to a talented and worthy 
young Man, who fell an early Sa- 
crifice to that favage Arrogance 
which is now facrificing fo many 
on Southern Battle-fields. He emi- 
grated to Louifville, Ky., in 1837, 
and was there affaflinated by .a 
Wretch for fome Newfpaper Re- 
mark, in 1842. His native Town 
fhould (if it has not) ereét a Monu- 
ment to his Memory. 

288 Some Details of the firft In- 
tereft refpeCting the Deftruétion of 
Providence will be found in Back- 
us’s Hiftory of New Engtand, i, 
424. The Indians had always 
great Refpeét for Roger Williams. 
_ He was now an old Man, about 
e7, ‘When the Indians ap- 


peared on the high Lands north of 
their great Cove, Mr. Williams 
took his Staff and walked over to- 
wards them, hoping likely to pacify 
them as he had often done; but 
when fome of their aged Men faw 
him, they came out and met him, 
and told him that though thofe who 
had long known him would not 
hurt him, yet their young Men were 
fo inraged that it was not fafe for 
him to venture among them; upon 
which he returned to the Garrifon. 
The Houfe where their Records 
were kept was plundered, and they 
thrown into the Mill-pond, but 
were recovered, though by that 
Meansfome Paflages are not legi- 
ble, and likely many Articles were 
loft.” | See alfo Arnold’s Hi%ory of 
Rhode Ifland, i, 408-9. Staples, 
Annals of Providence, 165-6. 


182 


A Narrative of the Troubles [67 
Quarrel againft the Englifh; who in Purtaie of 


the Enemy meeting with a confiderable Part of 
them about the Narhaganfet Country, killed and 
took forty and five of them, without the Lofs of 
one of their own Men. ‘This Victory was the 
more confiderable, in that feveral of the chief 
Captains of the Enemy were at this Time killed 
or taken; amongft whom was Canonchit (who 
came down to get Seed-corn to plant at Sguakheag) 
he was the chief Sachem of all the Narhagan/ets : 
the fon of Miantonimoh, and the Heir of all his 
Fathers Pride and Infolency, as well as of his 
Malice againft the Englifh; a moft perfidious 
Villian, who had the laft Odfober been at Bo/ton,?*9 
pretending to make a firm Peace with the Englith, 
but never intending to keep one Article thereof: 
Therefore as a juft Reward of his Wickednefs 
was he adjudged by thofe that took him, to die, 
which was accordingly put in execution at S¢on- 
ington, whither he was carried: “There his head 
being cut off, was carried to Hartford :*9° The 
Mohegins and Peguods that had the honour to take 
him Prifoner, having the Honour likewife of 
doing Juftice upon him, and that by the prudent 
Advice of the Englifh Commanders, thereby the 


289 The Author has once before 
referred to that Treaty, but has no- 
where explained it. It is an Omif- 
fion extraordinary in a Hiftory of 
this War. ‘l‘he Preliminaries which 
led to it are everywhere defeétive. 
It is given in Full in Hazard’s Hiz/- 
torical Collections, i1 536-73; Ply- 


mouth Colony Records, x, 360-1; 
and the Subitance of it in the Book 
of the Indians, 231. 

290 His Name to the ‘Treaty 
(mentioned in the laft Note) is 
Quananchett ; but Nanuntenoo was 
alfo a Name by which he was well 


known. See Poft/cript. 


68| with the Indians of New-England. 183 


more firmly to engage the faid Indians againft the 
treacherous Narhaganjfets. There are differing 
Reports about the Manner of his Taking, and by 
whom, whither the Indians or the Englith firft 
took him; however it was fufficient Matter of 
rejoicing to all the Colonies of the Englith, | 68 | 
that the Ring-leader of almoft all this Mifcheif, 
and great Incendiary betwixt the Narhagan/ets 
and us, died himfelf by that Sword of War which 
he had drawn againft others.*9! 

Not long after Capt. George Deni/on of Stoning- 
ton, with fixty fix Voluntiers, and an hundred and 
twelve Peguods, killed and took feventy- and fix of 
the Enemy, amongft whom were two Narbag- 
anfet Sachims, one of which was the Grand-child 
of Pombham (who is accounted the moft warlike 
and the beft Soldier of all the Narhaganfet Sa- 
chems) taking at the fame Time 160 Buthels of 
the Enemies Corn, no fmall Damage to our 
Enemies at that Time, and all this without the 
Lofs of one Man of the faid Captains Fol- 
lowers.?9? | | 

The greateft Mifchief which after this Time 
was done by the Enemy in Plimouth Colony, was 
by burning of Houfes and Barns, which they 
might eafily do, the Inhabitants in moft of thofe 
Towns being repaired to garrifon Houfes for their 
greater Security: For about the 20th of dpril, 


291 Other and more full Partic- of the Conneticut Hiftorians, but 
ulars are given by the Author inthe Dr. ‘Trumbull found it barren, and 
Poltcript. adds nothing to the Account of our 
_ 292'This is the particular Field Author. 


A Narrative of the Troubles [ 68 


fifty of the Enemy burnt about nineteen Houfes 
and Barns at Scituate, but were fo refolutely en- 
countred by a few a the Inhabitants, that they 
were driven away, and thereby prevented from 
doing of further Mifchief.?9 

Not long after, May 8, they burned about 
feventeen Houfes and Barns in Bridgewater, a 
{mall Town in Plmouth Colony, ten or twelve 
Miles on this fide Yaunton, but it pleafed God 
juft at the Time to fend a Thunder-fhower, 
which put out the Fire, or elfe it might Have 
prevailed much further.?94 
. It is very remarkable, that the Inhabitants of 
the faid Bridgewater never yet loft one Perfon by 
the Sword of the Enemy, though the Town is 
{cituate within Plimouth Colony; yet have they 
helped to deftroy many of the Enemy. None 
knows either Love or Hatred by all that is before 
them in Things of this Nature: nor ought ftanders 
by that may efcape, think themfelves lefs Sinners 
than thofe that fo perifh by the Sword of the 
Enemy: Yet about this Time four of the In- 
habitants of Taunton were killed, as they were at 
their work in the Field, whereby it is faid, thirty 
Children were made Fatherlefs :795 So un/earcha- 


184 


293 Juftice cannot be done to 
fuffering Scituate in the Circle of a 
Note, and the Reader that would be 
fully informed muft recur to Mr- 
Deane’s Hiftory of that Town, 


one of the beft of our local Hif- 


tories. ‘The Attack on Scituate 
was May zoth. See Page 125. 


294 See: Dr. L._.Mather'seairae 
Hiftory, 143-4. 

295«« The Enemy have killed 
four ftout Men at Taunton, and 
carried away two lufty Youths; 
Mr. Henry Andrews; James Bell, 
Sergeant Phillips, and the two 
two Youths, all at one Time, being 


69 | with the Indians in Ni ew-England, 185 


ble are the “fudgments of the Almighty, and his Ways 
paft finding out. 

During thefe Calamities, Gods Difpenfations 
have been very various, as well in reference unto 
Towns and Villages, as unto Perfons: As if fome 
Places had been by fpecial Providence marked 
out to Prefervation, as others unto deftruction ; 
of which no other Reafon can be rendered ac- 
cording unto Man, than the good Pleafure of 
God fo to order and difpofe of Events, which 
Sometimes, as Solomon fays, are all one to the Good, 
and to the Clean, and to the Unclean. 

|69| And becaufe fpecial Notice is taken of 
the Town of Bridgwater, the which although it is 
feated, as it were, in the midft of Danger, and 
hath been often affaulted by confiderable Num- 
bers of the Enemy, yet never loft any one of 
their Inhabitants, young or old; a particuluar 
Account fhall here be given of the moft remark- 
able Paflages of divine Providence relating to 
that Plantation fince the War began. 

“fune 26, 1675, when PAilip’s Malice againft 
the Englifh, mixed with a particular Prejudice 
againft Governour Winflow, began to boil up to 
the height of an open Rebellion, the people of 
Swanzy being like to be diftrefled by the Indians, 
a Poft?9° was inftantly fent to the Governour of 


fecurely planting two or three ren.” Letter of Gov. Winflow to 
Miles from the Town. Theother ‘Thomas Hinckley, dated 23 May, 
one, Leonard Babit, killed at 1676. 

another Place. The four Men 296 For a succinét chronological 
leaving thirty-two fatherlefs child- Detail of thefe early Events of the 


Cc 


186 A Narrative of the Troubles [69 


Plhmouth, the Way lying through Bridgwater, 
the faid Poft returned the next Day; and about 
- nine or ten of the Clock, as he paffed through 
the Town, left an Order from the Governour for 
the raifing of 20 Men, well armed and furnifhed 
with Horfes, to be forthwith difpatched away 
for the Relief of Swanzy ; feventeen were all that 
could be raifed on the Sudden, who were fent 
thither that Night, and were the firft that were 
upon their March in all the Country ;797 and 
poflibly they fared not the worfe for their For- 
wardnefs: as Deborah the Prophetefs, bleffed 
God for them ¢hat offered themfelves willingly 
among the People; 'Thefe feventeen of Bridgwater 
were “fune 21, ordered by Capt, Bradford to 
Metapoifit a Place at twelve Miles Diftance from 
Swanzy, to ftrengthen the Garifon at one Bourn’s 
Houfe, wherein were feventy Perfons, amongtt 


whom were only found fixteen Men. 


War, See I. Mather, Brief Hi tory, 
220. ‘The Author having reviewed 
the Events which he had _ before 
narrated, gives the Refult in this 
Place. 

297 At this Time Affairs had be- 
come ferious on the Pocaffet Shore. 
Mr. Church had been forced to 
leave his Refidence at Sogkonate, 
and was exerting himfelf to allay 
the Storm he found to be faft ap- 
proaching. At the Refidence of 
Weetamoo, ‘‘ Queen of Pocaffet,” 
he received Information which 
{cattered all Doubts refpecting im- 
mediate Violence. Whereupon he 


After they 


at once left that Side of the Country 
for Plymouth, to apprife the Au- 
thorities there of the Danger. “ And 
he was fo expeditious that he was 
with the Governor early next 
morning,” which was Wednefday, 
June 16th, ‘‘though he waited 
on fome of the Magiftrates by the 
Way, who were of the Council of 
War, and who alfo met him at the 
Governors. He gave them an Ac- 
count of his Obfervations and Dif- 
coveries, which confirmed their 
former Intelligences, and haftened 
their Preparation for Defence.” 


Church, Extertaining Hiftory, 29, 


70 | with the Indians in New-England. 18 7 


had marched five Miles of their Way, having 
Mr. Brown’s Son for their Pilot, they met with 
fome Swanzy People, newly turned out of their 
Houfes (by which they were to pafs) who having 
not as yet refifted unto Blood, yet made doleful 
Lamentations, wringing of her Hands; and be- 
wailing of ‘Heit Loffes, very much alle per- 
{wading Bridgwater-men to turn back, becaufe of 
the Danger; but they having fo clear a call, had 
alfo more Courage than cowardly to defert the 
Caufe of God and his People, left they fhould 
thereby betray the Lives of fo many of their 
Friends into the Enemies Hands; and fo by the 
good Hand of God towards them, came {fafe to 
Metapoifet that Night.*9 

The next Day? in the Morning, a Part of 
them went to gaurd Mr. Brown their Pilot back 
to his Quarters; in their return they came fud- 
denly upon a Party of Indians, about thirty in all ; 
they were within fhot one of another, but the 
Englifh having no Commiffion to fight, till they 
were affaulted, and not being impeached in their 
Paflage, they returned fafe to their Garifon at 
Metapoifet : the Indians prefently drawing off, and 
firing three Guns (though not with intent- to 
do them any [70] Hurt, as was conceived) gave 
a fhout, and fo left them, when this Party of the 
Englifh drew near to their Garifon, they met 
with a Company of Carts going to fetch Corn 
from an Houfe deferted near by, about a Quarter 


of a Mile off from Mr. Bowne’s Houfe; the Sol- 


298 June 21/ft, 1675. eye 22011075. 


188 4 Narrative of theTroubles [70 


diers gave them notice of the Indians which they 
had difcovered ; and withal advifed them by no 
Means to venture any more, becaufe of the dan- 
ger; but they were refolved notwithftanding 
thefe earneft perfwafions of the Soldiers, to have 
another turn, which they foon found to be to the 
peril of their own Lives, fix of them being 
prefently after either killed right out, or mortally 
wounded, as foon as they came to the Barn 
where was the Corn; thefe fix are faid to be the 
firft that were flain in this Quarrel.3°° The Sol- 
diers at the Garifon hearing the Guns, made 
what hafte they could to the Place, but being 
moft of them in that interim gone to look their 
Horfes, they could not come Time enough to 
the Relief of their Friends; yet upon their Ap- 
proach they who had done the Mifchief, pre- 
fently fled away: one ones hard purfued by two 
Indians, was by their coming delivered from the 
Extent of the Enemies Cruelty, but having re- 
ceived his mortal Wound, had only that favour 
thereby, to die in the Arms of his. Friends, 
though by the Wounds received from his Ene- 
mies. 

The next week, fifteen of thofe Soldiers look- 
ing after their Horfes, fell into an Ambutfh of 
twenty of the Indians, but being prepared for the 
Encounter, they difcharged their Guns upon 
each other: but our Men received no Hurt, 


fome of them felt the Wind of the Bullets 


800 From this Statement it would Swanzey were killed on the 22d of 
feem that the firft perfons killed at June, which I think is incorreé. 


71 | with the Indians in New-England. 189 
pafling by their Faces: what Damage the En- 


emy received is Uncertain, yet fome of the Eng- 
lifh report they found fome of their Enemies 
dead Bodies in the Place afterward.3°! 

Thus were they not only preferved in many 
Perils themfelves, but became Inftrumental alfo for 
the Prefervation of moft of that Garifon ; who with 
their Goods by their Means, with the Help of a 
{mall Party of Plmouth Forces fent thither after 
the fix were killed (as is mentioned before) were 
foon after tranf{ported fafely to Road-T/land.3°* 

Many Outrages were that Summer committed 
upon their Neighbors at Taunton and Nama/fket ; 
yet it pleafed God to protect this poor Town of 
Bridgwater from any other Hurt, till the begin- 
ning of Apri/ next, when themfelves with their 
Neighbours of Taunton and Rehoboth, were 
ftrongly folicited to defert their Dwellings, and 
repair down to the Towns by the Sea-fide ; but 
God encouraged them to keep their Stations 
notwithftanding the extream danger then pre- 
fented. It is reported that PAziizp gave order 
that Taunton and Bridgewater thould not be 
deftroyed till the laft, which is all the favour to 
be expected from an Enemy [71] but thefe 
things are only in the Hands of God, and not 
determined by Man. 

Apr. g. being the Lords-day,3°3 a fmall Party 


301] find nothing correfponding Garrifon, as above related. 
with this in the other Accounts of 303 April 9,1676.. From a re- 
the War. trofpective View of the early Events 
302'That is, the People, I fuppofe of the War, the Author jumps to 
who had been refcued in Bourne’s_ the next Year. 


A Narrative of the Troubles (74 


of the Enemy came down upon the faid Bridge- 
water, burnt an Outhoufe and Barn, broke up 
and rifled feveral other Houfes in the fame 
Quarter of the Town, which are notwithftanding 
yet remaining ; they fent out a Party of their Men 
to purfue them that Night, and many days after, 
but could not hear of them. 

May 7. the Lords-day alfo (no doubt bit the 
betternefs of the Day will increafe the badnefs of 
their Deed attempted thereon) they had Inteli- 
gence of a great Body of Indians difperfed that 
Way, with intent to have faln upon the Town 
that very Day, but were cafually prevented by a 
great deal of Rain that fell the Night before: 
however they were refolved to foreflow no Op- 
portunity, wherefore on the next Day (May 8.) 
about three hundred of them, one Ti/guogens be- 
ing their chief Leader, at eight or nine in the 
Morning made an Affault upon the Eaft-end of 
the Town, on the South-fide of the River: many 
of the Inhabieints {tayed at Home that Morning 
becaufe of the Inteligence the Day before, and fo 
were the more ready to entertain Teri fome 
that not taking that Warning ventured into the 
Field about their Occafions, were in Danger of 


furprizal, but by the {pecial Favour of God efcaped, 


190 


and came time enough 


304'The fame called Ti/paquin by 
Church, 96, who fays he wasa very 
famous Captain. In early Records 
he is called Watu/paquin, and fome- 


to help to defend their 


‘the Black-Sae 
He was Chief of the Na- 
See Book of the Indians, 


times Z7/paquin, 
chem.” 
mafkets. 


193, 244. 


71 | with the Indians in New-England. 191 


own and their neighbours Dwellings, being fhot 
at, and hard purfued a confiderable way. 

The Indians prefently began to fire the Town, 
but it pleafed God fo to fpirit and encourage 
feveral of the Inhabitants, iffuing out of their 
Garifon-houfes, that they fell upon them with 
great Refolution, and beat them off, at the fame 
Inftant of Time, the Lord of Hofts alfo fighting 
for them from Heaven, by fending a Storm of 
Thunder and Rain very feafonably, which pre- 
vented the Burning of the Houfes which were 
fired :3°5 The Soldiers alfo Fighting under the 
Banner of Gods fpecial Protection were fo fuc- 
cefsful in repelling the Enemy, that they neither 
had any of the Inhabitants killed or taken, and 
but one wounded. The Indians by this ftout 
Refiftance, being beaten off to the Skirts of the 
Town, made a frefh Onfet upon another Quarter 
thereof, on the North-fide of the River where 
they had done much more Mifchief, but that 
God ftirred up fundry of the People to venture 
out of their fortified Houfes, who fired upon the 
Enemy, and beat them from their Dwellings, fo 
as in the Evening they drew off to an Out-houfe, 
three Miles diftant from the Town: the next 
Day the Inhabitants expected another Afiault, 
but the Enemy having burned the Houfe and 
Barn where they kept their Rendezvouz over 


805 Dr, Cotton Mather copies this Time fent ‘Thunder and Rain, which 
Paffage with a little Embellifhment. caufed the Enemy to turn back.” — 
See I. Mather, Brief Wiftory, 143, Ibid. See Baylies’ Hiff. New Ply- 
who fays ‘‘ the Lord in the Nick of mouth, iii, 120, 121, for other Facts. 


192 A Narrative of the Troubles | 72 


Night, and one [72] Houfe more not far diftant, 
they marched all clear away for that Time. 

Thus it pleafed God fo to order his Difpenfa- 
tions, toward this {mall Town, as a Brand plucked 
out of the Fire, that they did but juft tafte of 
this bitter Cup, which others drank deeper of, 
yet had they not fuch Mercy, as thefe had, mixed 
therewith: under God, the Courage of the Inhab- 
itants was a great Means of their Prefervation, 
for they fired fo ftoutly upon the Enemies, that 
they durft not come very near any of the Gari- 
foned Houfes, faluting them only at a Diftance. 
God was eminently feen upholding the Spirits of 
all forts, Men and Women, fo as no Confterna- 
tion of Mind was feen upon any of them, during 
the whole Time of the Difpute. 

In this Affault they loft but thirteen Dwelling- 
houfes, whereof five only were in the Town (the 
reft being Out-houfes and deferted for the pre- 
fent) with fome few Barns, and fome of their 
Cattel; all which was a very inconfiderable Lofs, 
in Comparifon of what befell others, and them- | 
felves might have endured, if God had not by his 
{pecial Favour prevented.3°° 

Fuly 14 15, Another Party of Indians came 
down upon the North-weft Side of the Town, 
but with no better Succefs; for they had no 
Commiflion from the Lord of Hofts to touch any 


%06'The Reader muft refer to Affairs of that Town during Philip’s 
Mitchell’s Hifory of Bridgwater War. See alfo Baylies, as cited in 
for further Particulars refpeéting the _ the laft Note. 


72| with the Indians in N ew-England. 193 


of the Perfons of the Inhabitants, their Power 
reaching only to the flaying of their Cattel at this 
Time. 

Fuly 18,19, 20. They fent out Parties after the 
Enemy to purfue them by their Track, who fell 
upon fomeof them. On the twentieth they took 
fixteen, whereof two were Men: on this Day 
they had to affift them, it feems fome of the Bay- 
Indians fent them from Capt. Brattle; fome of 
the Captives informed, that there were but feventy 
or eighty in the Company, and but ten or twelve 
Men amongft them; but within a few Days, 
thefe Bridgewater Men {hall find better Succefs in 
purfuit of their Enemies, when Pd4z/ip himfelf 
fhall hardly efcape their Hands, as fhall be feen 
afterwards. 

While one Party of the Enemy thus a¢ted their 
Part in and about Pé/mouth Colony, towards the 
Sea-coaft, other Parties of them were not idle in 
the Maffachufets Colony, where they affaulted 
many Places, doing what Mifchief they could by 
firing of Houfes, and killing feveral Perfons in 
the Inland Plantations. 

March 2. They affaulted Groton :3°7 The next 


307'The Town of Groton, like 
other frontier Towns, was in a de- 
plorable Condition. On the 1gth 
of Feb. preceding, the People by 
their Agents, Maj. Simon Willard 


and Capt. James Parker, fent a Pe- 


tition to the General Court, in 

which they fay: ‘* The Enemy (as 

we groundedly fuppofe) waiting an 
D 


Opportunity againft us; the Seafon 
of the Yeare calling to Employment, 
and hafting to pafs away from us ; 
ourfelves brought into a narrow 
Compafs, and ready to undergoe 
fore Suffering; ... our Provifions 
neere confumed, and Souldiers quar- 
tered amongft us haftening the Ex- 
penfe of it, our Wives and Children, 


194 4 Narrative of the Troubles [73 
Day over Night3° Major Willard with feventy 


Horfe came into the Town; forty Foot alfo came 
up to their Relief from Watertown, but the In- 
dians were all fled, having firft burned all the 
Houfes in the Town, fave four that were Gari- 
foned,3°9 |73| the Meeting-houfe, being the fecond 
Houfe they fired. Soon after,3!° Capt. S7// was 
fent with a {mall Party of Dragoons of eight Files 
to fetch off the Inhabitants of Groton, and what 
was left from the Spoil of the Enemy, having 
under his conduct about fixty Carts, being in 
Depth from Front to Reer above: two Miles: 
when a Party of Indians lying in Ambufh at a 


fome removed, and others removing; 
our Cattel lying open to dayly Haz- 
ards... Thefe things portend to us 
a Famine and Poverty coming upon 
us with as great Fury on the one 
Hand, as the Enemy on the other,” 
&c. This was forwarded by the 
Rev. Samuel Wlllard, Minifter of 
the Town, who added his Entreat- 
ies to thofe of the Petitioners for 
Help (to Weer day. thevevmesn\t 7 
bly upon our Knees crave your 
Honours Direétion and Afliftance 
as the Lord fhall direét.” —Petition 
in Manuscript. 

308 This ** next Day over Night” 
has been fuppofed to be a Mifprint. 
Mr. Butler in his Hi/tory of Groton, 
81, thinks it fhould be ‘‘ the next 
Day fortnight,’ but even this does 
not agree with the Movements of 
Major Willard as to Time. Becaufe 
it is pretty well fettled that the final 
Deftruction of the ‘Town was on 
March 13th, and it is certain that 


Willard was at Cambridge on the 
4th of March tranfaécting public 
Bufinefs. Our Author, as may have . 
been feen, often gives a fort of Sy- 
nopfis, or general Summary in a 
fingle Paragraph of feveral Circum- 
ftances, and then goes more into 


Detail. ‘This was evidently his 


Courfe in narrating the Affairs of © 


Groton. The true Solution of the 

next Day over Night is undoubtedly 

this: When the Author had written, 

** March 2, ‘They affaulted Gro- 

ton:”—that is, when the Deftruc-— 
tion was completed by the Enemy— 

running through feveral Days,—the 

Day following, ‘ over Night,” the 

Major arrived. 

309 Mr, Butler has probably lo- 
cated three of thofe Garrifons cor- 
rectly. See Hiffory of Groton, 82. 

310 'That is, foon after the general 
Deftruction of the Town on the 
13th. See I. Mather, Brief Hi/- 
tory. 


73| with the Indians in New-England. 195 


Place of eminent Advantage, fired upon the Front, 
and mortally wounded two of the vaunt Carriers, 
who died both the next Night; and might (had 
God permitted) have done eminent Damage to 
the whole Body, it being a full Hour before the 
whole Body could be drawn up, which was done 
with Care and Courage: but the Indians after a 
few more Shot made, without doing Harm, re- 
tired and made no further Affault upon them, 
being the fame Party of Indians which the Day 
before had burned fome Part of Chelmsford.3™ 
Soon after this Village was deferted and deftroyed 
by the Enemy: yet was it a {fpecial Providence, 
that though the Carts were gaurded with fo flen- 
der a Convoy, yet there was not any confiderable 
Lofs fuftained. 

The Surprizal of Groton was after this Manner. 

On March 2, the Indians came in the Night 
and rifled eight or nine Houfes, and carried away 
_fome Cattel, and alarmed the Town. 
On March g, about ten in the Morning, a 


311 In a Letter dated at Chelms- 
ford, 12 Feb., 1676, and figned by 
Samuel Adams, Samuel and William 
Fletcher, fent to the Governor and 
Council at Bofton, is the following: 
“This Morning about an Hower 
and Half after Sun-rifing, Jofeph 
Parker of this Place, with his Son, 
coming for [from] the Hon’d Ma- 


jor Willard, about fower Mile from 


o[u]r Meeting Houfe, along by fome 
Houfes pertaining to this ‘Towne, 
now againft one Houfe ftanding 


nigh the Way, [were] way-layed, . 


and had ye Indian Bullets thick (as 


they report) about them. .. . They 
rod faft to efcape them. The young 
Man was wounded in the Shoulder 
by a Mufket Bullet, as cut out on 
the other Side of his Arme, and we 
conceive by Piftol Bullets. His 
Clothes torn in feveral Places.”— 
Collections N. H. Hiftorical Society, 
iii, 98. ‘*'Tradition,” fays Allen, 
Hiftory of Chelmsford, 9, ‘‘ makes 
Jofeph Parker, born 20 Mar.,1653, 
the firft white Child born in that 
Town. He was Sonof Jofeph and 
Margaret Parker. 


196 AWNarrativeof the Troubles [73 


Parcel of Indians (having two Days lurked in the 
Town, and taken Poffeffion of three out Houfes, 
and feafted themfelves with Corn, divers Swine 
and Poultrey which they there feized) laid an 
Ambutfh for two Carts, which went from the 
Garifon to fetch in fome Hay, attended with 
four Men, two of which efpying the Enemy, 
made a difficult Efcape: the other two were fet 
upon, and one of them flain, ftrip’d naked, his 
Body mangled, and dragged into the High-way, 
and laid on his Back in amoft fhameful Manner :3%2 
the other taken Captive, and after fentenced to 
Death, but the Enemy not concurring in the 
Manner of it, Execution was deferred, and he by 
the Providence of God efcaped by a bold Attempt 
the Night before he was defigned to Slaughter, 
and fled to the Garifon of Lancaffer. ‘The Cattel in 
both Towns wounded, and five of them flain out- 
right. 

March 13, was the Day when the Enemy came 
in a full Body, by their own Account four hun- 
dred, and thought by the Inhabitants to be not 
many fewer. The Town was at that Time 
(having been put into a Fright by the fad Cataf- 
trophe of Lancafler the next bordering Town) 
gathered into five Garifons, four of which were 
fo near together, as to be able to command from 
one to the other, between which the Cattel be- 
longing to thofe Families driven into Paftures, 

312]t is exceedingly annoying to Means of afcertaining the only thing 
meet conftantly with Faéts half told; we particularly care to know, Names 


as in this Cafe, that ‘two Men were of the Slain. 
killed ” fomewhere; leaving us no 


74.| with the Indians in New-Engand. 197 


which afterwards proved their Prefervation; the 
other was near a Mile Diftant from the reft.[74| 

This Morning the Indians (having in the Night 
placed themfelves in feveral Parts of the Town) 
made their Onfet, which began near the four 
Garifons: for a Body of them having placed 
themfelves in Ambufcado behind a Hill, near one 
of the Garifons, two of them made Difcovery of 
themfelves, as if they had ftood upon Difcovery. 
At this Time divers of the People, nothing fufpect- 
ing any fuch Matter (for the Day before, many had 
been upon Difcovery many Miles, and found no 
Signs of an Enemy being fo near) were attending 
their Occafions: fome foddering their Cattel, 
fome milking their Cows, of whom the Enemy 
might eafily have made a feizure, but God: pre- 
vented ; they having another Defign in hand, as 
{oon after appeared: Thefe two Indzans were at 
length efpied, and the Alarm given; whereupon 
the moft of the Men in the next Garifon, and 
fome alfo of the fecond (which was about eight 
or nine Pole diftant) drew out and went to fur- 
prize thefe two Indians, who kept their Station 
till our Men reached the Brow of the Hill, then 
arofe the Ambufh and difcharged a Volley upon 
them, which caufed a diforderly Retreat, or rather 
a Rout, in which one was flain, and three others 
wounded: mean while another Ambufh had 
rifen, and come upon the backfide of the Garifon 
fo deferted of Men, and pulled down the Pallifa- 
does: The Soldiery in this Rout, retreated not to 
their own, but pafled by to the next Garifon, the 


198 A Narrative of the Troubles | 75 


Women and Children meanwhile expofed to 
Hazard; but by the Goodnefs of God made a 
fafe Ef{cape to the other fortified Houfe without 
any Harm, leaving their Subftance to the Enemy, 
who made a Prey of it, and fpent the Refidue of 
the Day in removing the Corn and Houfehold- 
{tuff (in which Lofs five Families were impover- 
ifhed) and firing upon the other Garifon: here 
alfo they took fome Cattel. No fooner was the 
Signal given by the firft Volley of Shot, but ime- 
diately in feveral Parts of the Town at once did 
the Smoak arife, they firing the Houfes. 

In the Afternoon they ufed a Stratagem not 
unlike the other, to have furprized the fingle 
Garrifon, but God prevented. An old IJndzan, 
paffed along the Street with a black Sheep on his 
Back, with a flow Pace, as one decrepit: They 
made feveral Shot at him, but miffed him, at 
which feveral iffued out to have taken him alive; 
but the Watchman feafonably efpying an Ambutfh 
behind the Houfe, gave the Signal, whereby they 
were prevented. 

The Night following the Enemy lodged i in the 
Town, fome of them in the Garifon they had. 
furprized, but the Body of them in an adjacent 
Valley, where they made themfelves merry after 
their falvage Manner. The next Morning they 
gave two or three Volleys at Capt. Parkers |75]| 
Garifon, and fo marched off, fearing as was 
thought that Supply might be nigh at hand. 
This Affault of theirs was managed with their 
wonted Subtilty and barbarous Cruelty; for they. 
mat d the Body of him whom they had flain in 


75| with the Indians in New-Engand. 199 
the firft Onfet, and then cutting off his Head, 


fixed it upon a Pole looking towards his own 
Land. The Corpfe of the Man {lain the Week 
before, they dug up out of his Grave, they cut off 
his Head and one Leg, and fet them upon Poles, 
and ftrip’d off his Winding-fheet. An Infant 
which they found dead in the Houfe firft fur- 
prized, they cut in Pieces, which afterward they 
caftto the Swine. ‘There were about forty dwell- 
ing Houfes burnt at that Time, befides other 
Buildings. ‘This Defolation was followed with 
the breaking up of the Town, and fcattering of 
the Inhabitants, and removal of the Candleftick, 
after it had been there feated above twelve Years.3!3 

Concerning the furprizing of Groton March 13, 
There was not anything much more material than 
what is already mentioned, fave only the Info- 
lency of ohn Monoco, or one eyed “fohn, the chief 
Captain of the Indians in that Defign; who hav- 
ing by a fudden Surprizal early in the Morning 
feized upon a Garifon-houfe, in one end of the 
Town, continued in it, plundering what was 
there ready at hand, all that Day; and at Night 
did very familiarly in Appearance, call to Cap- 
tain Parker that was lodged in another Gari- 
fon-houfe, and entertained a great deal of Dif- 
courfe with him; whom he called 4s old 
Neighbour: dilating upon the Caufe of the 
War, and putting an End to it by a friendly 

313 After they had burnt the {coffing, inquired of him: “ What 
Meetinghoufe they went within hear-_ will you do for a Houfe to pray in 


ing of the Rev. Mr. Willard, the now we have burnt your Meeting- 
Minifter, who refided near by, and houfe?” » 


200 A Warrative of the Troubles [76 


Peace: yet often mixing bitter Sarcafms, with 
feveral blafphemous Scofts and aunts at their 
praying and worfhiping God in the Meeting- 
houfe, which he deridingly faid he had burned. 
Among other Things which he boaftingly uttered 
that Night, he faid he burned Medfe/d3"+ (though 
it be not known whether he was there perfonally 
or no), Lancafter, and that now he would burn 
that Town of Groton, and the next time he would 
burn Chelmsford, Concord, Watertown, Cambridg, 
Charleftown, Roxbury, Bofton: adding at laft in 
their Dialet, What Me will, Me do; not much 
unlike the proud 4//yrian (if his Power had been 
equal to his Pride) fometimes threatned againft 
‘ferufalem, but was by the remarkable Providence 
of God, fo confounded within a few Months after, 
that he was bereft of his four hundred and four 
{core (of which he now boafted) and only witha 
few more Bragadozio’s like himfelf, Sagamore Sam, 
old “fethro, and the Sagamore of Quobaog, were 
taken by the Englifh, and was feen (not long be- 
fore the writing of this) marching towards the 
Gallows (through Boffon Streets, which he threat- 
ned to burn at his Pleafure) with an Halter about 


his Neck, with which he was hang-|76]|ed at the 


Towns End3'5 September 


314]t is a Tradition that Philip 
commanded the Indians at the De- 
ftruction of Medfield, in Perfon, 
mounted upon a black Horfe. He 
may have been there and thus con- 
fpicuous, but I am of the Opinion 
that there is no other Authority for 
the Statement than mere Conjeéture. 


26, in this prefent Year 


There is but flight Evidence of his 
Prefence at any of the Fights during 
the War. 

315 The Town's End was not be- 
yond the prefent Boylfton Street, 
Executions were ufually performed 
in thofe Days on one of the Knolls 
in the Common, 


76| with the Indians in New-England. 201 


1676; So let thine Enemies perifh, O Lord, and 
fuch Contempt be poured on all them that open 
their Mouths to blafpheme thy Holy Name. 

Things looked with a pretty fad Face about 
thofe Parts at this Time ; yet, though the Righteous 
fall feven Times, let not their Enemies rejoice ; for 
the Righteous fhall rife again, but their wicked Ene- 
mies fhall fall into Mifchief, and rife no more. It 
was Ebbing-water with New-England at this 
Time, and awhile after; but God {fhall turn the 
Stream before it be long, and bring down their 
Enemies to lick the Duft before them. 

After this, Apri/ 17, Captain S7//, being ap- 
pointed to keep Garifon at Groton, fome Indians 
coming to hunt for Swine, three Judzans drew near 
the Garifon-houfe, fuppofing it to have been de- . 
ferted, two of them were flain by one fingle Shot 
made by the Captains own Hands, and the third 
by another Shot made from the Garifon. 

The Danger which thefe inland Towns were 
like to be expofed unto from the Enemy, after 
they were driven out of the Narhagan/fet Country, 
was forefeen by the Council of the Maffachu/ets, 
yea, they had fome intimation thereof from the 
Enemy themfelves: but they were not well able 
to prevent it, in that unfeafonable Time of the 
Year, no way fit for the marching of Soldiers, and 
tranfporting of Provifions (the Winter then be- 
gining to break up in this Country); for while 
our Forces were up in the Narhagan/fet Country 
in the Winter, a couple of Chriftian Indians were 

Ee 


202 Narrative of the Troubles  |76 


fent as Spies into the Nzpuet and Narbhaganjfet 
Countrey, through the Woods in the Depth of 
Winter, when the Ways were impafiable for any 
other Sort of People: thefe two, by name “ames 
and ‘fob,3'® ordered their Bufinefs fo prudently, as 
that they were admitted into thofe Indian Habit- 
ations as Friends, and had free Liberty of Difcourfe 
with them; they were at the firft a little jeal- 
ous of them, but by the Means of One eyed “fohn3%7 
(a great Captain of the Indians, that afterward 
led them that {poiled Groton, who having been a 
Companion of one of the faid Spies both in 
Hunting, and Fighting againft the Mosawas for- 


318 James Quannopohit and Job 
Katenanit, Natick Indians. ‘They 
were employed to go among the hof- 
tile Indians as Spies, foon after the 
Narraganfet Fight. They, with 
other Praying Indians had been 
placed on Deer Ifland in Botton 
Harbor. On the 28th of Decem- 
ber, Major Gookin, at the Requeft 
of the Government, went down to 
the [land, fele¢ted thefe two Men 
and propofed to them to undertake 
the Service. They readily affented, 
though the Inducement offered was 
but five Pounds apiece! ‘The Night 
of the fame Day he took them to his 
Houfe in Cambridge, privately, and 
there fitted them for their perilous 
undertaking; then, on the 3oth of 
December, before Day, an Englifh- 
man conduéted them as far as ‘‘ the 
Falls of Charles River, and fo they 
paffed on their Journey undifcovered. 
Thefe two Spies acquitted themfelves 
prudently and faithfully, brought 


Intelligence which might have con- 
duced much to the Advantage of 
the Englifh, had their Advice been 
wifely improved.” —Hiffory of the 
Praying Indians. 


317, His Indian Name was Monoco. 
When Quannapohit was among the 
Nipnets, Mautamp infifted that he 
fhould accompany him to King 
Philip, who was ‘‘not far from Fort 
Albany.” But he knew this would 
not do, becaufe Philip had given 
Orders that if he were at any time 
taken, he fhould be brought to him, 
that he might put him to a cruel 
Death with his own Hands. He 
was now under the Proteétion of 
Monoco, the Sachem of Nafhua, 
“who had civilly treated, entertain- 
ed and protected him at his own 
Wigwam, all the Time of his being 
there, becaufe he had been a Fellow- 
Soldier with him in the Mohawk 
War.” —Gookin. 


77| with the Indians in New-England. 203 


merly ; fo efteemed of him, that he would not 
fuffer any of the reft to touch him); they paffed 
through all the Indian Towns lying thirty Miles 
diftant from Quobaog, and twenty Miles north- 
ward of the Road to Conneéticut : one of the faid 
Spies returned about Yan. 24,3"8 informing thofe 
that fent him, what he obferved, both the Num- 
ber of the Indians (about three hundred in all), 
alfo their feveral Towns, and what Provifion they 
had: plenty of Venifon, much Pork from the 
Englifh mens Hogs which they had taken: they 
confefled likewife, that he and fome of his Party 
had killed the People of Na/haway the laft Year, 
fufpected to |77| have been done by the Indians 
of Marlborough: he told them alfo they intended 
to burn Lancafter within three Weeks after that 
Time, which accordingly they did much about 
the fame time: adding moreover, that fome 
Frenchmen were with them at Pocomtuck, en- 
couraging of them to go on with their Defigns, 
promifing them Affiftance, which made fome 
ready to think the Indians were ftitred up by the 
French to do all this Mifchief, but more of that 


318 James Quannapohit, juft men- 
tioned. ‘The other Spy, Job Kat- 
enanit returned on the gth of Feb- 
ruary following, reaching Major 
Gookin’s Houfe in Cambridge, 
**about 10 o’Clock in the Night, 
conduéted by one Jofeph Miller, 
that lived near the Falls of Charles 
River. He brought ‘Tidings, that 
before he came from the Enemy at 


Menemeffe, a Party of the Indians, 
about 400, were marched forth to 
attack and burn Lancafter ;” that 
they were to attempt it “on the 
morrow, which was February roth.” 
This Information correfponded ex- 
a€tly with that given by Quannapo- 
hit, and Lancafter was deftroyed 
accordingly. Govkin. See alfo Wil- 
lard, in Worce fler Magazine. 


204 


A Narrative of the Troubles | 77 


afterwards: what might be gathered from the 
forefaid Premifes is eafie to conceive ; whereupon 
new Forces with as much {peed as the Seafon 
would allow, were raifed and fent up into thofe 
Parts, under the Command of Major Savage in 
chief: they were defpatched away in the Begin- 
ning of March, and appointed to meet with fuch 
as fhould be fent from Conneéticut Colony, which 
they did about Quaéaog, and fo intended to march 
directly up to thofe Indian 'Towns about Watchu- 
fet Hill to the Northweft: but the Indians were 
gone, and our Forces in the Purfuit of them, 
taking the wrong Path, miffed of them; yet 
ranging through thofe Woods, they were at one 
Time fuddenly aflaulted by a {mall Party of In- 
dians firing upon them, wounding Mr. Gershom 
Bulkly,3*9 by a Shot in his Thigh, and killing one of 
their Soldiers, after which as they marched along, 
they accidentally fell upon another {mall Party of 
the Enemy, of whom they flew fome, and took 
others to the Number of fixteen, yet could not 
meet with the main Body of the Enemy who it 
feems had pafled over a great River by Rafts,3?° 


319 This is an anticipation of 
Events. It appears that the Affair 
in which Mr, Bulkley was wounded 
was after the 27th of March. See 
Colonial Records of Connecticut, ii, 
423-4. Mr Bulkley was Minifter 
of Weathersfield, and his Wife was 
a Daughter of Prefident Chauncey. 
He was with the Conneéticut Troops 
as Chaplain, having taken the Place 
of his Brother-in-law, Mr, Ifrael 


Chauncey of Stratford, who from 
Sicknefs in his Family was prevented 
from going. 

320 Suppofed to be what was then 
known as Payquage or Baquage, fince 
Miller’s River, which at this Seafon 
of the Year (March), was ufually 
very high. See Worceffer Maga- 
Zine, i, 117. See alfo Mrs. Row- 
landfon’s Narrative (in Indian Cap- 
tivities), 76. 


78 | with the Indians in New-England. 2 ° 5 


fo our Men could follow them no further ; where- 
fore turning down towards Had/y and Northamp- 
ton, whither it was fuppofed the Indians intended 
to pafs, they came very feafonably to the Relief 
of the faid ‘Towns, which elfe had been in Dan- 
ger of being loft. For, 

March 14, the Enemy fell upon Northampton 
and in three Places broke through the Fortifica- 
tion of Palifadoes, fet up round about the ‘Town 
a little before, for their better Security ; but the 
Town being at that Time full of Soldiers, they 
were quickly repulfed, after they had killed four 
Men and two Women, and fired four or five 
Dwelling-houfes, and as many Barns, with the 
Lofs of many of their Lives, as was fuppofed.3! 

While our Forces under Major Savage con- 
tinued on that Side of the Country, a fad Acci- 
dent fell out at Spring field, the certainty of which 
it is judged meet here to relate, to prevent Mif- 
takes: the Matter having through a great Over- 
fight been otherwife reprefented, than indeed it 
was, not-only to the Prejudice of Truth, but to 
the Difadvantage of fome Perfons concerned 
therein. While the Soldiers were quartered 
amoneft the feveral Towns upon Connecticut River ; 


a Party of the Troop |78]| were quartered at a 


321 'Thofe flain belonging to North- 
ampton were Robert Bartlett, Tho- 
mas Holton, Mary Earle, Increafe 
Whelftone, and James Mackrannels. 
Records of Northampton, in N. E. 
Hift. and Gen. Regi'ter, iti, 176. 
Our Author fails to mention the 


Services rendered by Capt. William 
Turner and his Company in faving 
Northampton. ‘They are noticed 
in the Chronicle, 118. See alfo 
Backus, Hi/tory of New England, i, 
423. Hiftory and Antiquities of 
Bofton, 419. 


206 A Narrative of the Troubles | 78 


Place belonging to Spring field called the Long- 
Meadow, three Miles from the Town below toward 
Windfor: feveral of the Inhabitants having moft 
of the Winter kept from the publick Meeting on 
the Lords Days, for Fear of the Enemy, were 
encouraged to adventure to the Affembly on the 
26th of March, riding in the Company of the 
Troopers; but having heard of no Indians there- 
abouts for a good while, were more fecure than 
they had Caufe; for riding fome of them with 
Women behind them, and fome with their 
Children in their Arms, yet not fo careful as to 
keep in the Middle, but rather in the Rear, and 
at a pretty Diftance ftragling from the Reft of 
the Company, a Party of Jnudians lying in the 
Buthes as they rode along, fired upon the hind- 
moft, and killed two and wounded others: thofe 
inthe Front having alfo Women and Maids be- 
hind fome of them, were at a ftand to know what 
to do, fearing they might expofe thofe Women 
they had in their Company, if they fhould ride 
back (in that winding Road made through a 
woody Place for a Mile or two together) to look 
after them that were behind; at the laft, one 
that came riding up, told the foremoft Company 
there was no Hurt, and that they were all com- 
ing: they that were before, rode away with all 
Speed to the End of the Town, where fetting 
down the Women, the Troopers returned back, 
but too late to recover two poor Women and two 
Children, who upon the firft Affault were thrown 


3 78| with the Indians in New-England. 207 


off their Horfes, and immediately haled into 
the Bufhes, and through a Swamp on the other 
Side of a fteep Bank, fo as they could not be 
heard of all that Afternoon, nor the next Day, 
till toward Night; although they were diligently 
fearched after by all the Troopers in and about 
the Town; At laft when they were defcryed jutt 
by a Swamp fide, the cruel Wretches endeavoured 
to have killed them all, but in Hafte only wound- 
ed them with their Hatchets, yet fo as one of the 

oor Creatures recovered; the other with the 
Children dyed of their Wounds before they were 
brought Home, or within a little Time after.3*? 
They did not complain of any Incivility toward 
them while they were in their Power ; but by the 
Farewell given of them at parting, they found it 
true by their own Experience, that ¢he tender 
Mercies of the Wicked are Cruelty. 

There hapned no other Matter of moment 
worthy the reporting, while our Forces tarryed 
in thofe Parts; and the Commanders obferving 
that the Enemy was turned back again through 
the Woods, towards the Ma/fachu/ets Bay, after a 
Months time, retired back, yet could never meet 
with the Enemy in their Return through the 
Woods, although while they were at the Towns 


322 Tt is to this Affair that the Rev. 
Dr. Sprague adds: ‘There were 
fix Perfons killed near Pecowfick 
Brook in Springfield; three of them 
as they are pafling from Long 
Meadow to Springfield Town to 
meeting, ‘Ihe Guard who accom- 


panied them are held in Remem- 
brance there by the following Lines : 


“ Seven Indians, and one without a Gun, 
Caufed Capt. Nixon and 40 Mento run.” 


Hiftorical Difcourfe, p. 22. See alfo 
I. Mather’s Brief Hiffory, 128-9, 
25374: 


A Narrative of the Troubles [79 


aforefaid, they underftood of feveral Attempts 
made upon Sudbury, Marlborough,33 the moft 
Part of which laft |79| they deftroyed March 26, 
which made the Inhabitants forfake their Dwell- 
ings, leaving only a few Houfes garifoned with 
Soldiers, the better to fecure a Paffage to the 
Towns weftward upon Connecticut River. 

The Inhabitants of Sudéury, with the Soldiers 
under Lieut. facobs3*4 of Marlborough fufficiently 
alarmed by the late Mifchief done about thofe 
Towns, refolved to try what Work they could 
make with the Enemy in the Night; whereupon 
going forth March 27, toward Morning, they 
difcerned. where the Enemy lay by their Fires, 
(near three hundred of them) and that within half 
a mile of a Garifon-houfe, near the Place where 
they had done fo much Mifchief the Day before. 
Such was the Courage and Refolution of the 
Englifh, though but forty in Number, ‘Towns- 
men and Soldiers, that they adventured to dif- 
charge upon them as they lay by their Fires, 
when it was fo dark that an Indian could hardly 
be difcerned -from a better Man; yet God fo 
directing, they difcharged feveral Times upon 
them, wounded thirty, fourteen of whom either 


208 


323 See Table, No.31. “They burnt 
the Houfes the Inhabitants had de- 
ferted, but the Garrifons defended 
the Reft. Inthe Town the Houfes 
were built very {catteringly, and the 
Enemies divided themfelves into 
{mall Parties, which executed their 
Defign of firing at once, and though 


there was a Company of the Coun- 
try Militia there, they could not pre- 
vent it.” Old Indian Chronicle, 
117-18. : 
324'The Chriftian Name of Ja- 
cobs was Richard. After the Death 
of Capt. Brocklebank he took his 
Place. See Gage’s Hi. Rowley. 


79] with the I Jinn ish ew-England. 200 


dyed of their Wounds the fame Day or foon after, 
which had been chief Agents in this prefent 
Mifchief againft the Englifh. Such was the 
Succefs of this Skirmifh, that the Affailants came 
off without the Lofs of one Man. 

After this Time the Enemy began to {catter 
about in {mall Parties, doing what Mifchief they 
could about the Maffachufets, killing a Man at 
Weymouth,3?5 another at Hingham,3*° as they lay 
{kulking up and down in Swamps and Holes, to 
affault any that occafionally looked never fo little 
into the Woods; fometimes alarming the Towns 
about Bo/fon by difcharging Guns upon particular 
Perfons; at Billerica, Braintree, and at Rentham,3?7 
near ven which Place in the Road to Re BOH yh. 
they aflaulted one Woodcoks Houle, killed one 
Man, and one of his Sons, wounded another, and 
burned his Sons Houfe.3?° 

Notwithitanding the little Succefs of former 
Attempts, P4iip and his Men have one Prize 


323 On the 19th of April (1676) 
** Sergeant Pratt of Weymouth, is 
flain by the Indians.” Weymouth 
Records in N. £. Hift. and Gen. 
Regiffer, ii, 254.. 

326 <* Apri] 20. Jofeph Joanes 
and Anthony Sprague’s Houfes 
burnt; alfo Ifrael Hobart’s, Nathan- 
iel Chubbuck’s and James Whiton’s 
Houfes burnt to the Ground by the 
Indians.” New England Hift. and 
Gen. Regiffer, ii, 254. 

327 «© The Inhabitants of Wren- 
tham, abandoned the Place on the 


3oth of March, 1676. No Lives 
Ff 


were loft. ‘The Enemy came upon 
the Town after they were gone, and 
burnt all the Dwellings except two. 
What faved thefe from the Fire was 
their being infected with the Small 
Pox, of which the Indians by fome 
Means or other had gotten Informa- 
tion.” Bean’s Century Sermon, p. 
14. 

To > Whatever could be recovered, 
after the moft unwearied pains, re- 
{pecting the Woodcocks, will be 
found preferved in Mr. Daggett’s 
Hiffory of Attleborough, 47. See 
alfo, Blifs, Rehoboth, 77, 102. 


210 A Narrative of the Troubles [80 


more to play in the Maffachufets Colony, before 
they go off the Stage, and then we fhall foon fee 
their Power vifibly declining everywhere, until 
their final Overthrow come upon them. There 
were feveral {mall Parties of them {cattered up 
and down all over the Country, yet the main 
Body of them was {till lurking up and down in 
thofe Woods that lye between Brookfield, Marl- 
borough and Connecticut River. Poflibly they had 
fome Hope of driving all the Country before 
them to the Towns upon the Sea-coaft ; for hav- 
ing burned the deferted, Houfes at Marlborough. 
April 17, the next Day3?9 they fet upon Sudbury 
with all their might, (hoping ’tis like) to do 
there, as they had done at the Towns next be- 
yond it: They did at the firft prevail fo far as to 
confume feveral Houfes, and Barns, and kill 
feveral Perfons, ten or twelve of | 80] the Englith, 
that came from Concord to affift their Neighbours 
at Sudbury, a'Town diftant five Miles from them, 
at the firft hearing of the Alarm, who unawares 
were furprifed near a Garifon Houfe, in Hope of 
getting fome Advantage upon a (nal Party of the 
Enemy that prefented themfelves in a Meadow ; 
a great Number of Jndzans that lay unfeen in tie 
Buthes, fuddenly rofe up, and intercepting the 
Paflage to the Garifon-houfe, killed and took 
them all. 


529 This isan Error. The dif- has been afligned on the Sudbury 
aftrous Fight at Sudbury wason the Monument and elfewhere, in the NV. 
21ft of April. Ihave explained £. Hiftorical and Genealogical Regif- 
the Manner in whicha wrong Date ter, vii, 221-4. 


80| with the Indians of NV. ew-England. 211 


But our Sorrows and Loffes that Day are not 
yet come to their Height; for in the after Part 
of the fame Day, that refolute ftout-hearted Sol- 
dier, Capt. Wad/worth (who had not long before, 
with not above forty Men, refcued Lancafler, 
when it was in Danger to have been all loft at 
once) being fent from Boffon with fifty Soldiers, 
to relieve Marlborough, having marched five and 
twenty Miles, and then underftanding the Enemy 
was gone through the Woods toward Sudbury ; this 
unwearied Company, before ever they had taken 
any confiderable Reft, marched immediately back 
toward Sudbury (that lies ten Miles nearer Bofton) 
and being come within a Mile of the Town, they 
efpyed a Party of Indians not far from them, 
about an hundred, not more, as they conceived. 
Thefe they might eafily deal with, who retiring 
back a while, drew Capt. Wad/orth and his Com- 
pany above a Mile into the Woods. When on the 
fudden a great Body of the Enemy appeared, 
about five hundred as was thought, who compaff- 
ing them in round, forced them to the top of an 
Hill, where they made very ftout Refiftance a 
confiderable while; but the Night drawing on, | 
and fome of the Company beginning to fcatter 
from the reft, their Fellows were forced to fol- 
low them, fo as the Enemy taking the Chafe, 
perfued them on every Side, as they made too 
hafty a Retreat, by which Accident, being fo 
much overpowered by the Enemies numbers, they 
were moft of them loft: the Captain himfelf, 


212 


A Narrative of the Troubles |81 


with one Captain Brocklebank (a choice {pirited 
Man, much lamented by the Town of Rowly to 
which he belonged) and fome others that fell into 
his Company as he marched along, {carce twenty 
e{caping in all; fo as another Captain and his fifty 
perifhed at that Time, of as brave Soldiers as any 
were ever imployed in the prefent Service.33° 

Thus as in former Attempts of like Nature,33? 
too much Courage and Eagernefs in Purfuit of 
the Enemy, hath added another fatal Blow to 
this poor Country. 

The fame Day another Party of the Englifh 
coming from Brookefield, whither they were fent 
as a Convoy with Provifion for the Garifon, were 
in Danger likewife of falling into the Hands of 
. the fame Indians ; yet riding upon a good Speed, 
and keeping their Guns always ready pre- [81] 
{ented againft them they met, they never durft 
fireat them: only three or four, having unad- 
vifedly firft difcharged their Guns againft the 
Enemy, and falling too much in the Reer of 
their Company, were cut off and loft.33? It is 


330 See Ziable,. Noweg2:0 ine 832 Gen. Gookin fays Wadf- 


moft circumftantial Accounts of the 
fad Difafter at Sudbury are found in 
the O/d Indian Chronicle, 93. Book 
of the Indians, 222, 698, Gookin’s 
Hifi. Praying Indians, and Dr. I. 
Mather’s Brief Hi/?. Philip's War, 
136. All thefe concur in the Date 
of the Battle, viz., April 21ft. 

331'The Author has probably 
{pecial Reference to the Difafters of 
Lathrop and Pierce. 


worth’s Men ‘‘ were generally cut 
off, except a few that efcaped toa 
Mill which was fortified, but the 
People were fled out of it, but the 
Enemy knew not of their flight ; 
and fo, fuppofing the Mill to be 
{trong they ventured not to attack 
it. At the fame ‘Time Capt. Cutler 
of Charleftown with a {mall Com- 
pany ‘having the Convoy of fome 
Carts from Marlborough that were 


81 | with the Indians in New-England. 213 


reported by fome that afterwards efcaped, how 
they cruelly tortured five or fix of the Englith 
that Night: yet whatever their Succefs was this 
Day, it was obferved by fome (at that Time their 
Prifoners, and fince releafed)333 that they feemed 
very penfive after they came to their Quarters, 
fhewing no fuch Signs of rejoycing, as they were 
ufually wont to do in like Cafe ;33+ whether for 
the Lofs of fome of their own Company in that 
Days Enterprife (faid to be an hundred andtwenty) 
or whether it were the Devil in whom they 
trufted that deceived them, and to whom 
they made their Addrefs the Day before, by 
fundry Conjurations of their Powawes ;335 or 
whether it were by any Dread that the Al- 
mighty fent upon their execrable Blafphemies, 
which ’tis faid they ufed in the torturing of fome 
of their poor Captives (bidding ‘fe/us come and 
deliver them out of their Hands from Death if 
he could) we leave as uncertain, though fome 


coming to Sudbury, having fecured 
his carriage at a Garrifon Houfe, 
efcaped narrowly from being cut off 
by the Enemy. The Enemy alfo 
at the fame Time cut off fome Eng- 
lifh Soldiers that were coming down 
under the Conduét of one Cowell, 
of Bofton, that had been a Convoy 
to fome Provifions at Quabage 
Fort.” See further of Cowell in 
Book of the Indians, 698. 

333 Mrs. Rowlandfon, no doubt, 
for fhe was then a Prifoner in their 
Hands. She fays, ‘‘ When they 
went [to attack Sudbury] they 


acted as if the Devil had told them 
that they fhould gain a Victory ;” 
and when ‘they returned they 
acted asif the Devil had told them 
they fhould have a Fall.’ Narra- 
tive of Removes, 69. Ed., 1828. 

334 “* Yet they came Home with- 
out rejoicing and triumphing over 
their Victory which they were wont 
to fhow at other Times ; but rather 
like Dogs, as they fay, which have 
loft their Ears.”  Ldid., 68. 

335 << There is an interefting 
Defcription of Pozozw in Mrs. Row- 
landfon’s Book, page 67. 


214 A Narrative of the Troubles [8x 


have fo reported: yet fure it is, that after this 
Day they never profpered in any Attempt they 
made againft the Englifh, but were continually 
{cattered and broken till they were in a Manner 
all confumed. After this Time, however they 
had braved it before, they feemed to apprehend 
that it was fcarce feafible for them to withftand 
the Power of the Englifh, and therefore feemed 
more inclinable to a Peace, by feveral Over- 
tures made by them, if they knew how to 
have brought it about.33° For during thefe En- 
counters they were willing to admit of fome 
Kind of Treaty with the Englifh, about the re- 
leafing of Sundry of their Captives, which they 
took at Lancafter in February \aft, and elfewhere : 
To that End, fundry Attempts were made by 
Help of feveral of the Prayimg Indians (as they ufe 
to be called) about the Redemtion of fome of the 
Women and Children, which were at that Time 
in their Poffeflion, and by Degrees Something 
was effected that Way ; poffibly their own prefent 
Sufferings and Wants that were upon them, 
might induce them thereunto: For by this Time 
the Spring of the Year came on, their Provifion 
was all fpent, and they forced to live wholly 
upon Ground-nuts, and upon the Fleth of the 
Englith Creatures, both Horfe and Neat-cattel, 
which they daily plundered. The Ground-nuts 


running up to Seed in the Summer, began to grow 


336 Sundry of their Letters tothe O/d Indian Chronicles, and others 
Governor and others upon theSub- in the Book of the Indians. See 
ject of Peace are preferved in the alfo Colony Records, Ma/s., v. 93. . 


82| with the Indians in New-England. 215 


{fo fticky, as they were fcarce Eatable; the Flefh 
of the Englith Cattel proving Unwholfom for 
their Bodies, filling them with fundry Difeafes. 
One of them having eaten much Horfe-fleth, 
complained that he had before eaten Horfe and 
now Horfe began to eat him, meaning fome 
deadly Difeafe growing upon he [82] eating fuch 
rank Flefh unwholfom for their Bodies, efpecially 
without Salt, as their ufual Manner is. The 
Fithing-feafon alfo began now to come in, where- 
in they ufe to take Abundance of all Sorts, with 
which thofe great Rivers up the Country are 
abundantly ftored: they ufe to take thereof, and 
drying in the Smoak, make Provifion thereof for 
the greateft Part of the Year; and if the War 
continued they could not but fee they fhould ut- 
terly becut off therefrom; and that if the planting 
Seafon alfo were loft, they fhould be in great 
Want of Summer- fruits, fc. Beans and Squathes 
(befides their Corn) eas which they were wont 
to live all the latter Part of the Summer. Upon 
all Confiderations they feemed pretty Inclinable 
to hearken to a Peace, though fome were apt to 
think they would never have kept it further than 
would ftand with their own Advantage, and that 
their prefent Defire thereof was only to gain 
Time. 337 


337The Author pafles very not wifh to interfere with’ Mrs. 


lightly over the fingular Negotia- 
tions which refulted in the Re- 
demption of Mrs. Rowlandfon and 
others. He probably omitted the 
Details for the Reafon that he did 


Rowlandfon’s Publication. Another 
Reafon may have been that he 
could not give a full Account of 
the various Tranfactions without 
expofing the nefarious conduct of 


216 A Narrative of the Troubles |82 


A Perfon formerly acquainted with the Indians 
about Lancaffer did adventure upon the foremen- 
tioned Overtures, to go amongft them to try if 
he could prevail with them for the Redemtion of 
the Minifter’s Wife, taken captive in Feéruary 
laft from Lancafter 33° and through the Favour 
of him who having the Hearts of all in his 
Hand, inclines them as he pleafes, obtained the 
defired End upon an inconfiderable Sum, which 
gave Encouragement to the Council to fend two 
Meffengers on the like Errand the fame Week to 
procure the Redemption of others, not without 
Succefs.339 The former, vzz. Mrs. Row/andfon 
being brought to Boffon upon the Election Day, 
May 3d, it was looked at as a Smile of Providence, 
and doubtlefs was a Return of Prayer, and An- 
{wer of Faith, with which her Hufband had been 
upheld and fupported from the Day of her Cap- 
tivity ; his two Children alfo were returned back 
not long after, more by the over-ruling Hand of 


that Mofely was a Thief, but he 
wanted Humanity. 


828 See Gookin’s Hiftory Praying 


Captain Samuel Mofely. For that 
the Reader muft confult General 
Gookin’s Hiftory. Mofely was fo 


connected with the firft People of 
the Colony that his Expofure and 
juft Cenfure could not be publifhed 
without offending them, and - per- 
haps incurring the Penalty of having 
his Book burnt by the common 
Hangman. Matters are not very 
difimilar in our own Times; for 
we fee the Thief who fteals the 
public Property tolerated by fome, 
becaufe he has ftopped their Mouths 
with a Portion of the Plunder! Not 


Indians, MS. copy. 

339 <* May the 12th, Good-wife 
Diuens and Goodwife Keble, upon 
Ranfom paid came in to Concord ; 
and upon like Ranfom prefently 
after, John Mofs, of Groton and 
Lieutenant Carter’s Daughter of 
Lancafter, were fet at Liberty, and 
nine more without Ranfom.”’ Cob- 
bet’s Narrative in New England 
Hiftorical and Genealogical Regifter, 


Vil, 217, 


82| withthe Indians in New-England. 217 


God (that turns the Captivity of his People as the 
Streams of the South ; and fometimes inclining them 
to pity his Servants, that are of themfelves more 
cruel than the Sea-monfters) than by any other 
Contrivance of Man’s Policy.34° 

And yet notwithftanding Motions of this Na- 
ture about the Redemtion of fome of our Prif- 
oners {till in their Hands, there was no Cefiation 
of Arms between us. 

About this Time Letters were fent down from 
Connecticut Colony, informing the General Court 
then affembled at Boffon, that fome of the Mow- 
hawkes (a Sort of fierce and falvage Indians yet 
mortal Enemies to thefe we were at Wars withal) 
had fallen upon fome of PAzhp’s Party, and 
deftroyed many of them :34 likewife that many 


_ 340 Mrs, Rowlandfon gives this 
Account of the Arrival of an Am- 
baffador among the Indians for the 
Purpofe of redeeming her and other 
Prifoners : ‘On a Sabbath Day, the 
Sun being about an Hour high in 
the Afternoon, came Mr. John 
Hoar (the Council permitting him, 
and his own forward Spirit inclining 
him) together with the two fore- 
mentioned [Praying Indians] ‘Tom 
and Peter, with the third Letter 
from the Council. When they 
came near, I was abroad. ‘They 
prefently called me in, and bid me 
fitdown and not ftir, ‘Then they 


catched up their Guns and away - 


they ran, as if an Enemy had been 
at Hand, and the Guns went off 
apace. I manifefted fome great 


Gg 


Trouble, and afked them what was 
the Matter? I told them I thought 
they had killed the Englifhman. 
(For-they had in the Mean-Time 
told me that an Englifhman was 
come.) They faid, No, they fhot 
over his Horfe, and under, and 
before his Horfe; and they pufhed 
him this Way and that Way, at 
their Pleafure, fhewing him what 
they could do. Then they let him 
come to their Wigwams. I begged 
of them to let me fee the Englifh- 
man, but they would not, But there 
was I fain to fit their Pleafure. 
When they had talked their Fill 
with him, they fuffered me to go to 
him.” Narrative, page 71-2. 
341'This Matter of an Attack 
upon Philip and his Company by 


218 


A Narrative of the Troubles 


[83 


of them were deftroyed by Fevers and Fluxes, 
with other Diftempers falling amongft them, [83] 


which was fome reviving to our Hopes, that the 


the Mohawks is vaguely mentioned 
in all the Hiftories of the War. 
The following Letter of Gov. An- 
dros fets the Affair in a_ clear 
Light. ‘There had been an epif- 
tolary Correfpondence between him 
and the Government of Conneéticut 
from the early Part of the War; 
carried on, not very complimentary 
on the Part of the Governor gen- 
erally, it muft be confefled. In one 
Inftance, in Reply to Conneéticut’s 
Requeit that he would employ the 
Mohawks againit our Enemies, he 
difcovers no little Indignation, yet 
he till continued his good Offices, 
and on the 5th of July of this year 
(1676) he wrote from Albany : 

** Gentlemen: Our Indians, the 
Maquas, &c., as far as Sineques 
[Senecas] have done very great 
execution on your Indian Enemys, 
of which I doubt not you receive 
the Fruits, and are very fenfible of 
itt. This is by Lift. Gerett Tune- 
fen, and Cornelifen Steuenfen, fent 
Expreffe, on Occafion of a Party of 
neare 300 Maquafe, &c., now going 
‘out, who complain that feverall 
other Partys have lately found none 


of faid Enemys, and thinck you have. 


made Peace and fhelter them. I 
therefore defire that you’l with- 
out Delay lett me know if itt be fo, 
in the Whole or in Part, and what 
elfe of faid Enemys, where they 
are. And again. Whether you’! 
admitt our Indians, Maques, &c., 
to come into your T‘ownes, and by 
what figne; that I may take fuch 


Order as may preuent any Incon- 
uenience which might happen by 
there intruding to far, and proue 
too badd a Confequence, they being 
fo ftrong and fo farr off. Cofpechy 
and 15 more, and fome Women 
and Children have delivered them- 
felves vp to me, whom I have fuffi- 
ciently fecured. I pray your fpeedy 
Anfwer, and that you’l fend a fitt 
Perfon of your own, by whom | 
may be the better informed to doe 
what is further fitt for me to do.” 
E. Androfs. 

In Reply, dated Hartford, July 
8th, 1676, the Council of Con- 
necticut informed Gov. Andros 
that he might be fully affured, that, 
as to a Peace, there ‘‘ is nothing at 
Prefent amongft us looking that 
Way ; ” that on the Contrary they 
were bufily engaged in fending out 
Expeditions againft the Indians. 

For thefe valuable Faéts I am in- 
debted to the judicious editorfhip 
of the Col, Rec. of Couneéicut ; to 
confult which is always a Pleafure 
and. Satisfacétion ; while little befides 
Vexation will ever be experienced 
in recurring to thofe of our own 
clumfy Volumes. ‘The Value of 
thefe, it is fafely afferted, is to thofe 
in the inverfe Ratio of the Coft 
of the one to the Coft of the 
other... Ours are a Monument to 
Profligacy and Incapacity, while 
thofe of other States are Monuments 
to Patriotifm and Induftry. Worft 
of all, ours are claimed to be edited ! 
Inftar omnium. 


83 | with the Indians in New-England. 219 


Foot of our Enemy fhould flide in due Time, and 
that Deftruction was haftning upon them, though 
ftill they were permitted to do Mifchief in fun- 
dry particular Places of the Country, which 
muft be minded as we pais along. 

Thofe Indians that were our profefled Enemies, 
after they had been beaten out of the Narhagan- 
fet Country, Febr. 1, tarried awhile at Winima- 
zeag,42 a Place two Days Journey North of 
Quabaog, when they divided themfelves into two 
Companies : One of them tarried on that Side the 
Country, the other made towards Plimouth Colony, 
taking Medfield in their Way, from whence as 
they marched along, they met with a notable 
Repulfe at Bogi/ton,3*3 a {mall Hamlet, or Com- 
pany, or Farms not far from the faid Medfeld, 
where they attempted a Garifon, but meeting 
with ftout Refiftance, they left the Enterprize, 
and kept on their Way toward Plmouth Colony, 
where they fcattered themfelves up and down, 
waiting for Opportunities to {poil and deftroy 
the Englifh Plantations on that Side of the 


Country.344 


342] cannot pofitively determine 


of Jaffrey, N. H., though it has 


the Locality of this Place. ‘There 
are certain Ponds within the bor- 
ders of New Hamphfhire, nearly 
north of Quabaog, one of which, a 
hundred Years ago was called Wo- 
nomenok. Chis may not ftand for 
the fame Place as Winimazxeag, yet 
we often meet with the fame Name 
differing as widely in Orthography. 
Wonomenok Pond is in the ‘Town 


probably not been known by that 
Name fora long Time. See Brit. 
Government Map of New-England. 
London, 177%. 

343 That Part of Medfield fince 
Sherburne. ‘The Name is now 
written Boggeftow. 

344’'This Attempt to furprife 
Medfield has been fully noticed, 
ante, See pages 62-3. 


220 A Narrative of the Troubles [83 


Befides what is already mentioned, on May 11, 
a Party of them affaulted the Town of P/imouth, 
burnt eleven Houfes and five Barns belonging 
thereunto: on the other Side, a fmall Party of 
the Englifh fcouting about in Purfuit of the Jn- 
dians, fell upon a Party of them that day waiting 
in Ambuth ; but being difcerned by an Jndian in 
the Company of our Men that gave timely No- 
tice, our Soldiers had an Opportunity thereby to 
make the firft Shot, and thereby not only pre- 
vented a Mifchief to themfelves, but killed alfo 
fome of the Enemy (one of whom was obferved 
to be of more Note than his Fellows by his At- 
tire) the Reft fled away from them that purfued, 
though but a fmall Company; fo that there 
were daily reciprocal Acts of Hoftility in thofe 
Parts. 345 

Within a few Days after this, feven Houfes 
and two Barns more were burnt by the Enemy 
in and about Pimouth: who did the like Mif- 
chief about the fame Time to the remaining 
Houfes of Namafket or Middleborough. 

About this Time, another Sort of Indians that 
belonged to Wame/fit, a Place near Chelmsford, bor- 
dering upon Merrimack (who had been provoked 
by the rafh, unadvifed, cruel Act of fome of the 
Englifh, about Od. 27, and November 4, had fired 
upon them feveral Guns, both at Chelmsford and 


345 Dr. Mather alfo relates this Author. See Brief Hiflory, 145-6 ; 
Exploit, but leaves us as much in Davis, Appendix to Morton, 449; 
the Dark as to thofe concerned in Baylies, New Plymouth, iii, 153 ; 
it and where it was done as our and Mitchell, Bridgwater, 40. 


84.| with the Indians in New-England. 221 


Woburn, to the killing of fome, and wounding of 
others, upon Sufpition that the faid Indians were 
guilty of burning a Barn, and Hayftack not far 
off )34° fuddenly turned our Enemies, after the 
Winter was over; having firft withdrawn them- 
felves from the Place afligned them, and where 
they had been relieved all the Winter (fome of 
them |84] after a former Revolt) and took their 
Opportunity to fire Mr. Fa/coner’s Houfe in dn- 
dover 'Town early that Spring and wounded one 
Roger Marks,3*7 and killed his Horfe. Two 
more Houfes about Shaw/hen3* beyond the faid 
Andover, were burned about March j0. Alfo 
they killed a young Man of the faid Town, 
April 8, the Son of George Abbot; And another 
Son of his alfo was carried away the fame Day, 
who yet was returned fome few Months after, 
almoft pined to Death with Hunger. 

At the fame Time they killed fome of their 
Cattel, cutting out only the Tongues of fome for 


348 This fiendifh A& of a few 
white Barbarians could not be 
overlooked by the Author. To 
have been more and _ juftly circum- 
{tantial might have fubjected him to, 


was among the wounded in that 
Battle and was, with others of 
Capt. Appleton’s Men, left at Rhode 
Ifland. Inthe Records of Andover 
is found this Entry: ‘‘Sarah, wife 


at leaft, Unpopularity. Dr. Mather 
notices it quite as Denunciatory. 
But Gen. Gookin gives the Particu- 
lars, in his Hiffory of the Praying 
Indians. 

347 There was a Roger Marks in 
the Narraganfet Fort Fight. This 
is doubtlefs the fame Perfon. He 


of Roger Marks, died of Small-pox, 
22 Dec, 1690. See New Eng- 
land FHiftorical and Genealogical 
Regifier, ii, 379. 

345 Billerica. See J. Mather, 
Brief Hiftory, 130. Myr. Farmer 
publifhed a Hi/fory of Billerica, but 
it affords us no Light here. 


A Narrative of the Troubles [84 
hafte, being fhot at by feveral of the Inhabitants 


from their Garifons. 

Mar. 10, At Concord, two Men going for Hay, 
one of them was killed.349 

At Chelmsford, the faid Wamefit Indians, about 
March 18, before, fell upon fome Houfes on the 
North fide of the River, burnt down three or four 
that belonged to the Family of Edward Colburn: 
the faid Colburn, with Samuel Varnham his Neigh- 
bour, being purfued, as they paffed over the River 
to look after their Cattel on that Side of the 
River ; and making feveral Shots againft them, 
who returned the like again upon the faid Indzans 
(judged to be about forty) what Succefs they had 
upon the Enemy, was beft known to themfelves ; 
but two of Varnhams Sons were flain by the Ene- 
mies Shot, before they could recover the other 
Side of the River.35° pri/ 15, alfo were four- 
teen or fifteen Houfes burnt there. 

Not long before this, Feb. 1. 1675. Tho. Eames, 
that kept a Farm at Sudbury, whofe Dwelling 
was three or four Miles out of the Town, had his 
Houfe affaulted and fired ; his Wife killed, and his 


Children carried Captive among the Indians.35" 


222 


told me he was a defcendant of the 
Samuel Varnham here mentioned. 


349 Shattuck could not give the 
Name of the Perfon killed. He 


merely copied Hubbard. 

350 See N. A. Hiftorical Collec- 
tions, 11,271. The Varnum Family 
of Dracut have a very diftinét Tra- 
dition of thefe Events, ‘The late 
B. F. Varnum, Efg., with whom I 
paffed an Evening (31 Mar., 1832), 


MS. Fournal. 

351] have in the Book of the In- 
dians, been able to give from ori- 
ginal Materials, many additional 
Faéts. See page 264, 699; alfo 
Barry’s Hifi. Framingham, 24-7. 
Mather is filent as to Eames. 


85| withthe Indiansin New-England. 223 


Alfo two Men were killed at a Farm about 
Concord, Ifaac and “facob Sheppard by Name, about 
the middle of February 335 and a young Maid 
that was fet to watch upon an Hill, of about 15 
Years of Age, was carried Captive ; “athe {trangely 
_efcaped away upon an Horfe that the Indians had 
taken from Lancajfer a little before.353 In the 
like ftrange Manner did one of Eames his Children 
efcape away about May 3, laft, travelling thirty 
Miles alone in the Woods without any Relief, 
till he came to an Englifh Town. ~Eames his 
Houfe was aflaulted when himfelf was from 
Home, by an Jvdian called Netus (not long after 
flain at Marlborough) which had been familiar 
with the Englifh, with nine or ten more of his 
Company, as perfidious and barbarous as himfelf: 
They burned all the Dwellings that belonged to 
the Farm, Corn, Hay, and Cattel, befides the 
Dwelling-houfe, with what was therein; it is 
probable thofe at Concord were killed by the fame 
Hands about a Fortnight after. 

Many fuch like remarkable Inftances of {pecial 
Providences might [85] be mentioned, if it were 
convenient to infert fuch particular Paflages into 
the general Narrative of the late Troubles from 
our barbarous Enemies.35¢ 


352 February 12th, according to mounted fhe fwam the Nafhua Ri- 
one of the Traéts, ver and effected her Efcape. Her 
853 Mr. Shattuck embellifhes this Name was Mary Shepard, Sifter to 
highly romantic Story, by adding, the young Men flain. H7/ory of 
that the Girl rode ona Saddle which Concord, 55. 
fhe took from under her Keeper’s 351 'Thefe Notions fo much goy- 
Head as he lay afleep, and that thus erned Hiftorians of former Times, 


224. A Narrative ofthe Troubles |85 


On May 3, a Party of them killed a Man at 
Haverhill, wpon the Edge of Merrimack River 5355 
and pafling over the faid River to Bradford, {poiled 
another Family; killing one Thomas Kemball, 
and carrying his Wife and five Children captive 
forty Miles up into the Woods;. although it was 
queftioned whether this laft Mifchief were done 
by any of PAz/zp’s Party, but rather by fome that 
belonged to the Eaftward Indians, of which there 
may be occafion (God willing) to fpeak more 
afterward.3°5° } 

For the fuppreffing of thefe: Infolencies, feveral 
Companies of frefh Soldiers, both Horfe and Foot, 
were raifed in the Ma//achufets, by the Governour 
and Council of that Colony, and fent out to fup- 
prefs the common Enemy ; the Foot under the 
Command of Capt. Sz//, Capt. Cutler,357 Capt. 


that they have deprived us of thofe 
Items of Hiftory now efpecially 
valued. 

355 His Name was L£phraim 
Kingfoury. Myrick, Hit. Haver- 
hill, 53, who obferves that he was 
the firft Perfon killed by the Indians 
in that Town. Mr. J. W. Dean 
has given a Pedigree of the Kingf- 
bury Family, inthe N. &. H. G. 
Reg., xili, 157, &c., by which it 
appears that Ephraim was Son of 
Henry Kingfbury, the Emigrant. 

356'This Depredation is further 
noticed in the Second Part, page 29. 
See alfo Notes in Mather’s Brief 
Hiftory, 142. 

857 Probably ‘fohu Cutler of 
Charleftown. I find but one other 


mention of him among my Materi- 
als, and that is in Gen. Gookin’s 
Hiftory of Praying Indians, 110-12. 
(I ufe a MS. Copy of this Work.) 
** At the fame Time,” that Capt. 
Wadfworth was defeated, ‘* Capt. 
Cutler of Charleftown with a {mall 
Company, having the Convoy of 
fome Carts from Marlborough that 
were coming to Sudbury, having 
fecured: his Carriage at a Garrifon 
Houfe, efcaped narrowly from be- 
ing cut off by the Enemy. The 
Enemy alfo at that Time cut off 
fome Englifh Soldiers that were 
coming down under the Conduét of 
one Cowell of Bofton, that had been 
a Convoy to fome Provifions at 
Quabage Fort.” Cowell’s Name 


85] with the Indiansin New-England. 225 | 


Holbrook; the Horfe under the Command of 
Capt. Brattle, Capt. Prentice, Capt. Henchman, 
Commanders in Chief: there feveral Companies 
modelled as aforefaid, were fent out Apri 27,. 
1676, to range the Woods towards Ha//aname/fit. 
~ Upon May 6, they met with a confiderable 
Party of the Enemy: they were firft difcovered 
by the Natick Scouts purfuing a Bear; and at the 
firft not difcerning that the Natick Indian Scouts 
belonged to our Men, it gave fome Advantage to 
our Forces; our Horfemen falling upon them 
before they were all aware, killed and took of 
the Enemy about fixteen, which they took notice 
of at the prefent, although it was confeffed by the 
Enemy, that they loft twenty that Encounter. 
It was reported that the founding of a Trumpet 
without Order, did much hurt; but the Com- 
mander in Chief affirmeth, that it was no Difad- 
vantage to the Service in Hand, it neither being 
heard by our own Foot, nor yet by the Enemy. 
If any Error was committed by the Englifh 
Companies, it was in that the Horfe did not 
timely enough draw down from the Top of the 
Hill, whereby they came to be difcovered by the 
Enemy ; who thereupon made the more hatte to 
efcape: However it was no {mall Lofs to the 
Enemy, fome of the Slain being known to be 
confiderable Perfons; and it ftruck fucha Terror 
into them, that they never durft face our Men 


was Edward. See Hiftory and An- Holbrook, was perhaps Fohn of 
tiguities of Bofton, 418. The Capt. Weymouth, 
Hh 


226 A Narrative of the Troubles  |86 


afterwards ; for although after our Men returned 
to their Quarters at Medfield, they faw two hun- 
dred Fires in the Night, yet they could never 
come near them again to fight any Company of 
them: but the Seafon proving rainy, hindered 
any further Purfuit of them at that Time.35% And 
foon after this, the Soldiers being [86] vifited 
with fickly Diftempers by reafon of an epidemical 
Cold at that Time prevailing through the Coun- 
try, they were for the prefent releafed for the 
recovery of their Health, with intent to be called 
together again at a more convenient Time; this 
was done May the tenth. 

During this Interval of Time, upon a Report 
that a Party of the Enemy that were difcovered 
abot Rehoboth, bufie in Fifhing in a River there- 
abouts, Capt. Brattle was fent up about the 23d 
of May, who with the Help of fome of the In- ~ 
habitants, killed eleven or twelve of them with 
the Lofs of one of our Men only: Had they not 
difcovered fome of ours on the oppofite Shore, it 
was conceived a greater Spoil might have been 
made amongtt them.359 

But in the next Place we mutt take notice of 
the Proceedings of the Enemy about Conneéficut : 
The greateft Body of them made towards P/- 
mouth Colony early in the Spring as was faid be- 


398 ‘This is probably the Expedi- 359 The Leader in this little Ex- 
tion minutely detailed in the Of pedition was Capt. Thomas Brattle 
Indian Chronicle, 120-1, in which of Bofton, of whom a pleafant Re- 
the friendly Natick Indians did all cord is made by Gen. Gookin, in 
or nearly all of the fighting. Hiftory of Praying Indians, 98. 


86| with the Indians in New-England, 227 


fore, where we fhall leave them for the prefent, 
and obferve what the remaining Part of them did 
Weitward. 

Some {fcattering Parties were fkulking about 
Spring field, and thofe lower Towns, upon a {mall 
“ Number of whom Capt. Hooke (newly chofen 
Captain of Spring field in the Room of his Father 
lately deceafed) handfelled his Office early in the 
Spring: for having Notice of fome of them in 
thofe Woods, he marched after them with ten or 
twelve refolute young Men, and waiting his 
Opportunity, furprized them near the great River, 
fo as two or three of them were left Dead upon 
the Place, another mortally wounded, got on to 
an Ifland in the River, where it was concluded 
he took his laft Nights lodging. The other be- 
_ ing forely wounded, was taken alive, and brought 
Home to Spring field, where he confefled many 
Things to one of the Inhabitants that underftood 
their Language, owning the Truth in many 
Things againft his own Company, and foon after 
Dyed of his Wounds.3° 

This was but a Preparative to an higher Beice 
of Service, which Capt. Hofoke was foon after 
engaged oh and wherein he acquitted himfelf 
beyond Expectation ; and taking more Pains than 
ordinary in making his Retreat, he gat a Surfeit 


360 According to Judd (good Au- the Indians had a thoufand fighting 
thority) this was on April 27. Hi/- Men up the River, and three Forts 
tory of Hadley, 169. ‘The Indian this Side of Squakeag. Ldidum. No 
who ‘‘ died of his Wounds,” faid mention of this by Mather. 


A Narrative of the Troubles [87 


that ended his Days in September following about 
Bofton.3* 

About the beginning of 4pri/3° likewife fome 
of the Inhabitants about Hadly, attending their 
Tillage at Hockanum, within three Miles of the 
Town, and having a Gaurd of Soldiers with them, 
yet three of the Company were cafually flain by 
a Party of the Enemy, that lay in wait for fuch 
an Opportunity. One of them was Mr. Goodman, 
a Dea|87]|con of the Church, that went a little 
beyond the Command of the Soldiers that came 
to gaurd them, to view the Fence of his own 
Land ;3°3 and two others that contrary to exprefs 
Order, would venture upon the Top of an high 
Hill, near by, to take a needlefs and unreafonable 
View of the Country, were fhot down by the 
Enemy before they could recover their Corps du 
gard.3°4 


228 


361 Capt. Samuel Holyoke was 
Son of Capt. Elizur H., and accord- 
ing to the Records of Springfield, 
died 31ft Oct., 1676, aged zg Years 
wanting about one Month. Spring- 


the Holyoke Family). See Judd, 
Hadley, 165. Our Author does 
not mention any one being taken 
captive, but it appears from Mrs. 
Rowlandfon, Narrative, 50, that 


field Records, 

362 In his after Correétions the 
Author fays the Maffacre at Hock- 
anum (now Dudley) occurred in 
March. ‘Thecareful Judd, follow- 
ing Hubbard, as I fuppofe, fays it 
was about the firft of April. But 
there may be fome Difference be- 
tween about the beginning, and about 
the firft of a Month. 

363 Deacon Richard Goodman. 

86t]T fuppofe that fince called 
Mount Holyoke (and fo named from 


Thomas Read was captured, and 
brought to the main Body of the 
Indians which then lay in ‘* a mighty 
Thicket of Brufh,” in what is now 
Northfield, probably. She fays: 
** About this Time [fhe has no 
Dates] they came yelping from Had- 
ley, having there killed three Eng- 
lifhmen, and brought one Captive 
with them, namely, Zomas Read. 
They all gathered about the poor 
Man, afking him many Queftions. 
I defired to go and fee him; and 


87| withthe Indians in New-England. 229 


But the great Company of the Enemy that 
{taid on that Side of the Country, and about 
Watchufet Hills, when the Reft went towards 
Phmouth, though they had been difappointed in 
their Planting, by the Death of Canonchet, were 
loth to lofe the Advantage of the Fifhing-feafon 
then coming in; wherefore having feated them- 
felves near the upper Falls of Conneticut River, 
not far from Deerfield, and perceiving that the 
Englifh Forces were now drawn off from the lower 
Towns of Hadly and Northampton, now and then 
took Advantages to plunder them of their Cattel, 
and not fearing any Affault from our Soldiers, 
grew a little fecure, while they were upon their 
fifhing Defign, infomuch that a couple of Englifh 
Lads3°5 lately taken captive by the Enemy, and 
making their Efcape, acquainted their Friends at 
Home how fecure they lay in thofe Places, which 
fo animated the Inhabitants of Hadly, Hatfield 
and Northampton, that they being willing to be 
revenged for the Lofs of their Cattel, befides 
other preceeding Mifchiefs, took up a Refolution 


when I came he was crying bitterly. 
Whereupon I afked one of them 
whether they intended to kill him. 
He anfwered me, they would not.” 
Ibidum, p. 51. Read fubfequently 
made his Efcape and got fafe to 
Hatfield. 


265 Stebbins and Gilbert, who had 
been taken on the River below, and 
carried to the Falls. Hoyt, Aztig. 
Refearches, 128. Mrs. Rowland- 


fon mentions “an Englifh Youth, 
one John Gilbert of Springfield,” 
whom fhe met with in Captivity, in 
a moft pitiful Condition, about a 
Month before the Fall Fight. Steb- 
bins’ Name was Edward, as Mr. 
Breck informs us in his Century 
Sermon at Springfield, 1773; which 
“Youth” (Edward Stebbins) he 
fays, was ‘* Grandfather of fome,” 
then hearing his Sermon. See Ser- 
mon, p. 22. 


230 «©6.A Narrative of the Troubles [87 


with what Strength they could raife among them- 
felves (partly out of garifon Soldiers, and partly 
of the Inhabitants) to make an Affault upon them, 
which if it had been done with a little more 
Deliberation, waiting for the coming of Supplies 
expected from Hartford, might have proved a 
fatal Bufinefs to all the faid Indians: yet was the 
Victory obtained more confiderable than at firft 
was apprehended: For not having much above 
an hundred and fifty fighting Men in their Com- 
pany, they marched filently in the dead of the 
Night, May 18, and came upon the faid Indians 
a little before Break of Day, whom they found 
almoft in a dead Sleep, without any Scouts abroad, 
or watching about their Wigwams at Home ; for 
in the Evening they had made themfelves merry 
with new Milk and roaft Beef, having lately 
driven away many of their milch Cows, as an 
Englifh Woman confefled, that was made to milk 
them. 

When Hew came near the oe Rendezvouze, 
they allighted off their Horfes, and tyed them to 
fome young Trees at a quarter of a Miles Dif- 
tance, fo marching up,3° they fired amain into 
their very Wigwams, killing many upon - the 
Place, and frighting others with the fudden Alarm 
of their Guns, and made them run into the River, 
where the Swiftnefs of the Stream carrying them 


366 <* Finding them fecure indeed, Wigwams, before the Indians were 
yea all afleep without having any aware of them, and made a great 
Scouts abroad ; fo that our Souldiers and notable Slaughter.” I. Mather, 
came and put their Guns into their Brief Hiffory, 147. 


88 | with the Indians in New-England. 231% 
down a fteep Fall, they perifhed in the Wa-|88| 


ters,37° fome getting into Canoes, (Small Boats 
made of the Bark of birchen Trees) which proved 
to them a Charons Boat, being funk, or overfet, 
by the Shooting of our Men, delivered them into 
the like Danger of the Waters, giving them 
thereby a Paffport into the other World: others 
of them creeping for Shelter under the Banks of 
the great River, were efpyed by our Men and 
killed by their Swords; Capt. Ho/oke killing five, 
young and old, with his own Hands from under 
a Bank. When the Indians were firft awakened 
with the Thunder of their Guns, they cried out 
Mohawks, Mohawks, as if their own native Ene- 
mies had been upon them; but the dawning of 
the Light, foon notified their Error, though it 
could not prevent the Danger.3® 

Such as came back, fpake fparingly of the 
Number of the Slain; wae fay there could not 
in Reafon be lefs than’ two or three hundred of 
them that muft neceflarily Perifh in the midft of 
fo many Inftruments of Deftruction managed 


367 «Sundry of them who were 
at feveral ‘Times taken after this 
Slaughter, affirm that many of the 
Indians that were driven down the 
Falls, got fafe on Shore again, and 
that they loft not above three fcore 
Men in the Fight: Alfo that they 
killed thirty and eight Englifhmen ; 
which indeed is juft the Number 
miffing.” Brief Hiftory, 149. 


- 36° There are two other contem- 


porary Accounts of this celebrated 
Fight, publifhed at the Time. ‘That 
in the Old Indian Chronicle, and 
that by Dr. I, Mather in his Brief 
Hiftory. 'The former is even more 
circumftantial than our Author. See 
alfo Backus, Hi/fory of New Eng- 
land, i, 426-7. A further Elucida- 
tion may be had by a Recurrence 
to Judd, Hi/lary of Hadley, 169-71, 
and to Hoyt, dmtig. Researches, 
128-33. 


232 A Narrative of the Troubles | 88 


again{t them with fuch Difadvantages to them- 
felves. Some of their Prifoners afterwards owned 
that they loft above three hundred in that Cami- 
zado, fome whereof were principal Men, Sachims, 
and (ome of their beft fighting Men cae were 
left, which made the Victory more confiderable 
aeeKs elfe it would have been; nor did they feem 
ever to have recovered themfelves after this Defeat, 
but their Ruine immediately fell upon it.3°. Yet 
fuch was the awful Hand of Providence, in the 
Clofe of this Vidtory, mixing much bitter with 
the fweet, that it might well be called a coftly 
Victory to the Conquerors, that fo no Fleth 
fhould glory in itfelf. 

The Jndians that lay {cattering on both Sides of 
the River, after they recovered themfelves, and 
difcovered the {mall Number of them that affailed © 
them, turned Head upon the Englifh, who in 
their Retreat were a little difordered, for want of 
the Help of the eldeft Captain, that was {o en- 
feebled by Sicknefs before he fet out, that he was 
no way able for want of bodily Strength (nor any 
way defective for want of Skill or Courage) to 
affift or direct in making the Retreat: For fome 
of the Enemy fell upon the Gaurds that kept the 
Horfes, others purfued them in the Reer, fo,as 


359 'T"here was a great Propenfity Hatfield only four Days before the 
to exaggerate the Numbers of the Fight. He faid he could not think 
Enemy. ‘They were not probably there were at the Falls above 60 or 
more than half as numerous as re- 70 fighting Men, on both Sides of 
prefented. Thomas Read, the Cap- the River. As to thofe above and 
tive before mentioned, arived in belowthat Place he could not judge. 


89| with the Indians in New-England. 233 


our Men fuftained pretty much Damage as they 
retired, mifling after their Return thirty eight of 
their Men.37° And if Capt. Holoke had not 
played the Man at amore than ordinary rate, 
fometimes in the Front, fometimes in the Flank 
and Reer, at all Times encouraging the Soldiers, 
it might have proved a fatal Bufinefs to the Affail- 
ants. ‘The faid Capt. Holokes Horfe was {hot 
down under him, and himfelf ready to be affault- 
ed by many of the Indians, juft coming upon him; 
but difcharging his Piftols upon one or two of 
them, whom he [89] prefently difpatched; and 
Perothier Friend coming up to his Refcue, he was 
faved, and fo carried off the Soldiers Hanae any 
further Lofs. 

It is confidently reported by fome that were 
there prefent at this Engagement, that one told 
above an hundred Judians left Dead upon the 
Place; and another affirmed, that he told near an 
hundred and forty fwimming down the Falls, 
none of which were obferved to get alive to Stivers 
fave one.37! 

The Lofs that befel our Men in the Retreat, 
was occafioned principally by the bodily Weak- 
nefs of Capt. Turner, unable to manage his Charge 
any longer: yet fome fay they wanted Powder, 


370 The Agreement of the Ac- 
counts, as to the Lofs of the Englith, 
is quite remarkable. See Note, 367. 

871 'That any one, in the Tumult 
of a Battle, fhould find Time de- 
liberately to count dead Indians, 


li 


floating down the River, appears 
a fingular Abfurdity ; for the Eng- 
lifh themfelves own that they were 
thrown into the greateft Confufion 
immediately after the Attack was 
made, 


234 4 Narrative of the Troubles [80 


which forced them to retire as faft as they could 
by Capt. Turners Order.37 

It is faid alfo by one prefent at the Fight, that 
feven or eight in the Reer of the Englifh, through 
hafte miffed their Way, and were never heard of 
again; and without doubt fell into the Indians. 
Hands, and it is feared fome of them were tor- 
tured. 

About feven Days after this, they were minded 
to try the Chance of War again, and fee if they 
could not recover their Lofs, by returning the 
like upon the Englifh: For, 

May 30. A great Number of them appeared 
before Hatfield, fired about twelve Houfes and 
Barns without the Fortification of the Town, 
driving away Multitudes of their Cattel, and their 
Sheep, {preading them{felves in the Meadow near 
the Town: which Bravado {fo raifed the Courage 
of the Neighbours of Hadly, that twenty five re- 
folute young Men ventured over the River, to 
relieve Hatfield in this Diftrefs, who charged the 
Enemy with fuch an undaunted Courage and 
Refolution (dudaces fortuna juvat) that they beat 
down five or fix at the firft Shot they made; fo — 


372'There does not appear to and valiant Commander could do 


have been any Order preferved by 
the attacking Party after the firft 
Onfet; and that, as foon as the In- 
dians were aroufed, they feem to 
have caufed fuch a Panic among the 
Englifh, that their Officers could not 
contro] them; and thus the Fight 
ended in a difgraceful Rout, That 
Capt. Turner did all that a brave 


under fuch Circumftances, there can 
be no Ouveftion, And, if the Falls 
where the Fight occurred muft bear 
an Englifh Name, that of Turner is 
the moft appropriate. But the In- 
dian Name is always to be prefer- 
red, for itis ever fignificant for 
what the Place was originally noted. 
See Hoyt, Antg. Refearches, 131, 


90| with the Indians in New-England. 235 


making Way through the thickeft of their Ene- 
mies that lay ready to take Aim at them behind 
every Tree as they pafled by; yet they efcaped 
all their Shot till they came within a little of the 
Town they came to relieve, where they loft five 
of their twenty five.373 

The Enemy were fo amazed at the Refolution 
of our Men, being but fo {mall a Handfull, that 
they fled immediately from the Town; having 
loft twenty five of their Men in the Enterprize. 

The Council of the Maffachufets, gathering by 
thefe Proceedings of the Indians, that their Detire 
of Peace was only to gain Time, Ordered that 
the Forces raifed before 4pr. 27, and for a Time 
releafed, fhould be haftned out again to range 
the Woods towards Had/y, and thofe Parts; made 
an Agreement with Hartford Colony, to fend 
Forces from thence to meet them about Brook- 
field, and fo to {cour along on both Sides Connecti- 
cut River, to diftrefs the Enemy what they could, 
and keep them from Fith| go |ing in thofe Waters, 
their Hope of Planting being now almoft over. 

To this End about May 30. 1676, the Forces 
under Capt. Henchman were called together again, 
and fent to Brookfield to meet with thofe expected 


Foot. John Smith of Hadley, kill- 


373 [mportant Materials from ori- 


ginal Papers may be feen in the 
Hitory of Hadley, 176-7, with 
which to illuftrate this Period. 
<<Two of our Men killed, Jobama 
Smith and Richard Hall; John 
Stow wounded in the Foot, and 
Roger Orvis alfo wounded in the 


ed, and two of their own Garrifon 
Soldiers.” Letter of Capt. New- 
bury. The Conneéticut Men came 


-up 450 ftrong, 250 of whom were 


mounted. Of thefe 200 were friend- 


-ly Indians, Pequots, Mohegans and 


Narraganfets. 


236 A Narrative of the Troubles [go 


from Hartford Colony: In the Way, ours by the 
Direction of Tom Doublet (a Natick Indian, who 
was a little before employed in the Redemtion 
of Captives) following Tra&s of Indians came 
upon a Party of the Enemy, Fifhing in Wef/hacom 
Ponds towards Lancafter, of whom they killed 
feven and took twenty nine, moft Women and 
Children; yet belonging to confiderable Perfons, it 
made the Succefs the more to be valued.37* Our 
Forces being by this Means retarded, could not 
meet with thofe of Conneéticut at Brookfield; but 
followed them the Week after, having firft re- 
turned from Wefhacom to Marlborough to fupply 
themfelves with Ammunition, and fo marched 
directly towards Hadly, where they met with 
Connecticut Forces; and from thence according to 
mutual Agreement, ours marched375 on the Eaft- 
fide of the River, and Conneéficut Forces on the 
Wett, up towards Sguakheag. Coming to Deerfield, 
and the great Falls thereabouts, they fent up their 
Scouts; but not hearing of the Enemy, they 
marched up no higher, being in no good Capa- 
city to have gone further if there had been 
Occafion, by Reafon of a tedious Storm of Rain, 
which occafioned much Damage in their Ammu- 


374 'This Exploit was on June 7th, 
according to I. Mather, Brief Hz/- 


landfon merely mentions him as 
Tom. 


tory, 154. See alfo Gookin, Hz/, 
Praying Indians,105. Tom Doub- 


let, was before called Zom Nepanet. 


The Captives which he was before 
employed to redeem were thofe 
taken at Lancafter. Mrs. Rows 


375 "They marched June 17th, (a 
fince doubly memorable Day in 
our Annals). The Conneéticut 
Forces arrived at Hadley obout the 
8th. Both Englifh and Indians are 
graphically defcribed by Judd. 


90 | with the Indians in New-England. 237 


nition and Provifion. While our Forces lay about 
Deerfield, fome of our Soldiers ranging, lighted 
upon the Body” of Capt. Turner about Greens 
River,37° in pafling of which Stream he was fup- 
pofed to have received his mortal Wounds. 
While our Forces continued thereabouts, they 
did the Enemy fome little Spoil in feizing much 
of their Fith, and Goods ftolen from the Eng- 
lifh, and hid in their Barns under Ground; con- 
jeCturing alfo that they found four or five Places 
where fome of the Englifh had been tortured to 
Death by cruel burning, after they had been 
faftned between Stakes fet in the Ground: but 
not meeting with any of the Enemy, they all 
haftned Homewards conceiving that having been 
forced from their Quarters in thofe Parts, they 
were drawn down lower towards the Englith 
Plantations Eaftward, wiz, Plimouth and Ma/fa- 
chufets. What Succefs Capt. Henchman’s Forces 
had in their retiring Homeward, and what they 
obferved of the Motion of the Jndzans, take in 
the Words of his own Letter, Fune 30.... Our 
Scouts brought Inteligence that all the Indians were ‘ 
in a continual Motion, fome toward Narhaganfet, 
others towards Watchufet, /hifting gradually, and 
taking up each others Quarters, and lay not above 
a Night in a Place. They, |the| 27 ditto, brought 
in two Squaws, a Boy and a Girl, giving Account of 
five flain. Yefterday, they brought in an old Fellow 


376 Flow the Name of this River fince called Green River. It paffes 
originated does not appear, but itis through Greenfield. 


238 A Narrative of the Troubles vt [Ox 


Brother toa Sachim, fix Squaws and Children, hav- 
ing killed five Men, and wounded o|9i | thers, if not 
killed them, as they fuppofed by the Blood found in 
the Way, and an Hat fhot through. Thefe, and the 
other inform, that Philip and the Narhaganfets 
were gone feveral Days before to their own Places. 
Philips Purpofe being to do what Mifchief he could to 
the Englifh. By Advice, I drew out a commanded 
Party under the Conduét of Capt. Sill, viz. fixteen 
Files of Enghifb, all my Troop, and the Indians, ex- 
cepting one File, being all we could make Provifion 
for: for what with the falling fhort of the Bread 
promifed us, and a great deal of that we had proving 
mouldy, the Reft of the Forces had but one Bifket a 
Man to bring them to this Place. This Party were 
ordered towards WWatchufet, and fo to Nathaway 
and the Wafhakem Ponds, where we have Notice 
Indians were, and fo to return unto this Place: 
where by your Honours Letter that came to me Yef- 
terday Morning, I under/tood that Provifion was or- 
dered for us; and which we found to our great 
Relief, laft Night, coming hither, Weary and Hungry. 
The commanded Party we left at Quonfiquomon, 
where they intended to flay a While for the laft 
Scouts we fent out: eleven Prifoners we had in all; 
two of the oldeft by Counfel we put to Death, the 
other nine the Commuiffary 1s ordered to convey to 
Bofton, with the Baggage, Horfes, and [ome of their 
Attendants not fit for the Service. 
Daniel Henchman. 


It appears plainly by the Contents of the faid 


git | withthe Indiansin New-England. 239 


Letter, as well as by many other Teftimonies, 
that about this Time the Jvdians our Enemies 
who hitherto had been linked together as 
Brethren in Iniquity and Cruelty, were now 
ftrangely divided and feperated the one from the 
other: fome impute it to an Affault made upon 
them by the Mohawkes, who falling upon PArlip 
with the Inland-Indians, flew about fifty of 
them :377whereupon they of P&z/zps Company re- 
folved to return to their own Country, and do 
what Mifchief they could to the Englith there- 
abouts : This was reported by an Indian brought 
to Seaconk “fune 29. 1676, taken at Providence. 
Others are ready to think, that it was upon fome 
Quarrel amonegft themfelves, occafioned by an 
evil Spirit fent from God upon them, that there- 
by they might, being {cattered, the more eafily 
be taken and ruined by the Englifh, now that 
the Time of Vengeance was come, when they 
{hall be called to an Account for all their former | 
Outrages and Cruelties: for now is the-Snare 
haftning upon them, wherein they fhall be 
hampered in their own Devices, fo to be taken 
and deftroyed : it cannot but be acknowledged as 
a very remarkable Providence, that Capt. Hench- 
man in his late Expedition to Hadly, killed and 
took about eighty four of the Enemy, without 
the Lofs of any one of his own Men: the [92] 


377 "The precife Date of the On- ever, previous to July 5th (1676) 
flaught upon the New England In- as it is evident from Gov. An: 
dians by the Mohawks nowhere dros’s Letter of that Date, already 
‘appears, It was not long, how-  ufed in a former Note, (341.) 


240 A Narrative of the Troubles  |g2 


like favourable Succefs hapned to Major Ta/cor, 
in his Paflage from Norwich to Quabaog, as was 
{aid before,and foon after his Return.378 

But by that Time our Forces were returned 
Home as far as Sudbury, they were ordered, upon 
the Solicitation of the Governour of P/imouth, two 
Companies of them at leaft, to march away im- 
mediately to Dedham, and fo to Seaconk or Reho- 
both, to join with Major Bradford in the Purfuit 
of Philip, who as it feems, with many hundreds 
of his barbarous Followers were fallen upon the 
Englifh Plantations thereabouts, and whither 
alfo a little before, Captain Brattle with a Troop 
of Horfe, and Capt.’ Mo/ely with a Foot Com- 
pany were fent up from Bo/ffon to purfue after 
them, now flocking in great Numbers into thofe 
Woods ; there was at this Time no {mall Hope 
of furprifing Pzlip: feveral Reports being brought 
that he was feen in this and that Place, not with 
above twenty or thirty Men attending on him: 
but his ‘Time was not yet fully come, nor had he 
as yet fully accomplifhed all that Mifchief he 
was like to be fuffered todo: For upon Fuly t/f,379 
1676, a Party of his Judians committed an horrid 
and barbarous Murder upon Mr. Hezekiah 
Willet in Swanzey, an hopeful young Gentleman 
as any in thofe Parts. They ufed frequently to 


“73 See a long Letter of Major which a Detail is given of his Ex- 
Tallcott, dated at Mr. Thomas pedition. See alfo, I. Mather, Brief 
Stanton’s, in the Narraganfet Coun- Hiffory, 173-4. 
try, July 4th, 1676, in Colonial 379 "This Date fhould be June 
Records, Conneéticut, ii, 45-89, in 26th, 1676. See Table, No. 2. 


92 | with the Indians in New-England. 241 


keep a Sentinel on the Top of their Houfe, from 
a Watch-houfe built thereon, whence they could 
difcover any Indians before they came: near the 
Houfe: but not hearing of the Enemy in thofe 
Parts for a confiderable Time, that neceffary 
Piece of Circumfpection was omitted that Day, 
whereby that deferving Perfon was betrayed into 
their cruel Hands: for within a Quarter of an 
Hour after he went out of his own Doors, 
within Sight of his Houfe, he was fhot at by 
three of them at once, from every one of whom 
he received a mortal Wound; they after their 
barbarous Manner took off his Head, and carried 
it away with them (which yet was foon after re- 
covered) leaving the Trunk of his Body behind, 
asa fad Monument of their inhumane Cruelty ; 
the fame Indians, not being above thirty in 
Number, took away a Negro belonging to the 
fame Family, who being Faithful to his Matters, 
and the Countries Intereft, ventured his Life to 
make his Efcape, which was the Prefervation of 
many others: for the faid Negro being a little 
acquainted with their Language, difcovered to 
the Englifh after his Efcape, PAzips Purpofe to 
feize fuch and fuch Places: in the firft Place to 
affault Taunton, which in Probability had been in 
great Danger, if their treacherous Plots and Pur- 
pofes had not fo wonderfully been made known 


A Pedigree of the Willet Family er, ii, 376. For other Faéts re- 

may be feen in the New England fpeéting the Negro mentioned in 

fliftorical and Genealogical Regif- this Connéétion, fee Note 399. 
Kk 


242 A Narrative of the Troubles [93 
beforehand. The faid Negro affirmed, that there 


was near a thoufand of them: for he obferved, 
that although they had killed twenty Head of 
Neat Cattel over Night, yet there was not any 
Part of them left the [93| next Day at eight of 
the Clock in the Morning. By this {fpecial 
Providence the Enemy was defeated of their Pur- 
pofe, and never after had any Opportunity of 
doing any conficerable Damage to the Englifh in 
that Part of the Country. So as after this Day 
we may truly date the Time of our Deliverance, 
and Beginning of Revenges upon the Enemy: 
Now is their own Turn come, when it {fhall be 
done unto them, as they have ferved us: They 
that before led others into Captivity, muft them- 
felves henceforth go into Captivity: And they. 
that killed with the Sword, muft themfelves 
be killed with the Sword, as in the Sequel of the 
Narrative will abundantly be manifeft; The 
Hiftory of which before we fhall any further 
purfue, we muft in a little While wait upon our 
Friends, (thofe Forces fent from Conneéticut) in 
their Return back into their own Colony, which 
before it be done, fome things fhould be pre- 
mifed concerning the Occafion of their coming, 
and the Succefs that did attend them in their 
March thither. 

Our Friends and Brethren of that Colony, 
although they had never actually felt Half of 
thofe Miferies that befell the People of the other 
two, yet never denyed their Affiftance to the fup- 
prefling of the common Enemy, yea, fometimes 
they afford it before it was exprefily defired ; ac- 


| 93| with the Indiansin New-England. 243 


cording to the Tenor of the Articles of Confed- 
eration, and Rules of common Prudence; con- 
fidering that if the Fire of this War were not 
timely extinguifhed, it would endanger their own 
Fabrick: Therefore according to Agreement, the 
Councel of that Colony ordered their fuccefsful 
Commander Major Ta/cot to meet with our 
Forces at Brookfield, or Quaboag i in order to the 
purfuing of the Enemy in thofe Parts: In the 
Way as they were from Norwich marching thither, 
Divine Providence fo far fmiled upon the Enter- 
prife, as to give them an Opportunity to furprife 
fifty one of the Enemy, of whom nineteen were 
flain, without the Lofs of any one of their own 
Company, which could not but much enhance 
the Price of the Victory to the Conquerors.3%° 

The like Succefs had their Friends which 
they left behind (the Volunteers gathered out of 
three Towns by the Sea Side, New London, Ston- 
ington and Norwich) and who were fome of them 
releafed by Major Ta/cot, when he firft began his 
March, that they might the better in the Abfence 
of the Army, gaurd their own Towns: for be- 
fore the Return of the Forces under Major Ta/- 
cot, to that Side of the Country, they had made 
two Expeditions againft their Enemies the Nar- 
haganfets, that were {kulking up and down on that 
Side of the Country ; In one of which they killed 
and took above thirty, the moft of which being 
Men are faid to have been flain by them. 


380 The Conneéticut Forces re- the Council of Conneéticut to Gov. 
turned to Hartford, July 8th, ‘to Andros, dated July 8th. Colony 
recruit themfelves.” See Letter of Records, Conneticut, ii, 461. 


244. 4 WVarrative of the Troubles  |o94 


[94| In the other about forty five, the moft of 
which probably were Women and Children, but 
being all young Serpents of the fame Brood,3*! the 
fubduing or taking fo many, ought to be acknow- 
ledged as another fignal Victory, and Pledg of 
Divine Favour to the Englifh. But to return, 
it was not without the fpecial Direction of Pro- 
vidence, that thofe Hartford Forces were fent to 
thofe weftern Towns a Week before thofe of the 
Maffachufets could get thither ; for otherwife one 
or more of thofe towns might have been loft; 
feeing that on the twelfth of Sune, foon after, if 
not the next Day, after they arrived there,3** the 
Enemy, as if refolved to try the utmoft of their 
Power, violently affaulted the Town of Hadly, 
with a Body of about feven hundred Men, at five 
or fix in the Morning, laying an Ambufh at one 
End of the Town, while the greater Part of them 
were alarming the other: But the ConneCticut 
Forces being at that ‘Time quartered in the Town 
thereabouts (who were Englifh and friendly In- 
dians, Pequods and Mokhegins, about five hundred 
in all)3*3 that were ready at Hand, befides thefe 
that had been quartered there ever fince March, 
(who had been left by Major Savage when he had 


31 Tt is humiliating to meet with 
Expreffions like this. How far re- 
moved from Savage is that Com- 
munity which endorfes fuch Senti- 
ments may fafely be left to the 
Judgment of thofe who come after 


us. 
382 Tallcott was at Chabana- 


konghomun (now Dudley, Mais.) 
June 5th, at Quabaog on the 7th, 
and at Northampton on the 8th. 
Talleot’’s Letter. 

383 The Indians were under the 
immediate Command of Oxzeko, (a 
Son of Uncas) Caffa/inamon, and 
Catapazat. 


94.| with the Indians in New-England. 24.5 


left thofe Parts, under the Command and Charge 
of Captain Turner, flain at the great Falls, as is 
noted before, but fince commanded by Captain 
Swain).3°4 Thefe by their joynt and ready 
Refiftance, wherein the Fence of Pallizadoes 
furrounding the Town, was no little Advantage, 
gave the Indians fuch a {mart Repulfe, that they 
found the Place too hot for them to abide it. 
For the Soldiers or Townfmen within, firing a 
Piece of Ordnance, it fo affrighted the Savages, 

or a Party of them, againft whom is was dif- 
charged, that although they had juft before fur- 
prifed, and poffeffed an Houfe, at the north End 
of the Town, if Information miftake not, yet they 
inftantly fled, leaving fome of their Dead upon 
the Place; Nor did they any confiderable Mif- 
chief with all their Numbers, fave firing a Barn 
about that End of the ‘Town, and flaying two or. 
three of the Soldiers, or too daring Inhabitants, 

who would againft exprefs Order adventure to go 
without the Fortification. 

It was accounted by fome that were prefent 
near the Time of that Affault, a great over-fight, 
that having fo fair an Opportunity to chafe the 
Enemy upon fo confiderable Advantage, it was 
let flip, and not improved: For Connecticut Sol- 
diers being all, or moft of them furnifhed with 
Horfes, they might have been foon overtaken, 


384 Jeremiah Swain, I fuppofe, Hiffory and Antiquities, Bofton, 
who had been a Lieutenant under 414. The fame probably with 
Capt Appleton at the Narraganfet Col. Church in the Eaftern War. 
Fort Fight the previous Year. See See Book of the Indians, 698. 


246 A Narrative of the Troubles 195 


and many of them deftroyed, but God hid it from 
their Eyes: The Commander in Chief, it is faid, 
quartered at one of the Towns on the Weft Side 
of the River,-and did not apprehend the Advan- 
tage, till the Seafon was over. Nor was any 
fuch Thing as an Affault expected from the Ene- 
my, fo early in the [95] Morning: it being a 
general Obfervation heretofore, that they feldom, 
or never ufed to make any Attempt in the Night 
Time ; Part of which could not but be improved 
in Way of Preparation for fuch a Defign. 

But the Lord of Hofts who is Wife in Counfel, 
and Wonderful in working, would find fome 
other Way to deftroy our Enemies, wherein the 
Hand of his Providence, fhould more remarkably 
be feen, that fo no Flefh fhould glory in its own 
Wifdom or Strength, but that Salvation might 
appear to be from the Lord alone. The Reft of 
this Month was {pent without any other Matter 
of Moment happening therein.3*5 

‘The Governour and Council of the Maffachu- 
Jets, taking into ferious Confideration, the many 
merciful Occurrents that had been returned upon 
us, notwithftanding the mixing of many Difpen- 
fations of a contrary Nature, accounted them- 
felves bound to make fome publick Acknowledg- 
ment thereof, to him whofe Name alone is worthy 
to be praifed. The 29¢4 of that Month of Sune, 
was fet apart asa Day of publick Thank{giving 


385 See I. Mather, Brief Hiffory, ley, 178. See alfo Table, No. 15, 
155-7; and Judd, Hiffory of Had- and Dr.I. Mather, Brief Hi/., 154. 


95] with the Indians in New-England. 24.7 


to God, who had remembered his People thus in 
their low Eftate. And that Matter of Thankf- 
giving might not be wanting at the Day ap- 
pointed, the very Day before were moft of our 
Englifh Captives brought back from the Indians, 
-and many more foon after, to the Number of fix- 
teen, whofe Mouths might then well be filled 
with Laughter, and their Tongues with finging 
both of themfelves, and all that were any Ways 
concerned in their Welfare.3*° 

And as this Day appointed for folemn and pub- 
lick Thankfgiving, was ufhered in by feveral 
fpecial Mercies, fo alfo was it followed with 
many remarkable Benefits. 

For befides the preferving the Town of North- 
ampton, March the 14th, and Hadly, “fune the 
12th, by the opportune fending of our Forces 
the very Night before they were affaulted: The. 
faving the People of Mar/borough from being cut 
off, was very obfervable, when Mr. Graves3*7 by 
his occafional going from the Sermon, being 
forced thereunto by the Extremity of the Tooth- 
ach, March 26, difcovered the Indians ready to 
ital the een and the People might have 
been cut off, Had not that Accident intervened. 
It is certain, that after the End of this Month, 
the Power of the Enemy began every where to 


386 This Return of Prifoners was 387 Mr. Thomas Greaves. See a 
that of thofe taken at Lancafter with Note on this Attack in the Brief 
Mrs. Rowlandfon, probably. See Hiffory, 127. Mr. Greaves may 
I. Mather, Prevalency of Prayer, not have been the regular Minifter. 
(in Relation) 262, See Farmer’s Gen. Regiffer, 128. 


248° Sad Narrative of the Troubles | 96 


fail; for the Body of the Enemy, that had lurked 
about Connecticut River all this Spring, being 
vifited with fundry Difeafes, difappointed of their 
Fifhing and put by their Planting, began to fall 
at variance amongft themfelves; the Had/y and 
Pocumtuck Indians quarrelling with PAkp for 
fetching all this Mifchief about, and occafioning 
the Englifh and them to fall out, with whom 
they had always good Correfpondence, and lived 
lovingly [96] together, but now they were like 
to be ruined by the War. This Quarrel. pro- 
ceeded to that Height, that from that Time for- 
ward, thofe feveral Indians that had for fo long 
Time been combined together, refolved now to 
part, and every one to fhift for themfelves, and 
return to their own Homes: PAslip to Mount- 
Hope, and the Narhagan/fets to their own Country 
again: the Nipuets and the Rver-Indians,3** bend- 
ing their Courfe, fome Weftward, others North- 
ward towards Pennicook upon Merrimack, intending 
to fhift for themfelves as well as they could for 
the Future; all which is like to be the real and 
true State of the Cafe with the Indians which 
were our Enemies: For the next News we heard 
of PAzlip, was, that he was gotten back to Mount- 
Hope, now like to become Mount-Mz/ery unto him, 
and his Vagabond Crew; and that his Friends and 
Allies, that had hitherto ftood as Neuters, waiting © 


388 Rather indefinite. Many of the Indians, 281. Our Author 
Clans of the Natives in different probably here refers to fuch Indians 
Localities upon the Borders of large as inhabited high upon the Con- 
Rivers are fo defignated. See Book ne€icut. | 


96| with the Indians in New-England. 249 
only which Way the Scale of Succefs and Victory 


would turn, began now to fue for Mercy at the 
Hands of the Englifh : TheMa/ffachu/ets Govern- 
ment having underftood Something of this Nature, 
put forth a Declaration, that whatfoever Indians 
fhould within fourteen Days next enfuing come 
in to the Englifh, might hope for Mercy.3%9 

Amongtft Sundry that came in, there was one 
named Fames the Printer, the fuperadded Title 
diftinguifhing him from others of that Name; 
who being a notorious Apottate, that had eecaall 
fo much of the Englifh, as not only to read and 
write, but had attained likewife fome Skill in 
Printing, and might have attained more (had he 
not like a falfe Villain ran away from his Matter 
before his ‘Time was out) he having feen and read 
the faid Declaration of the Englifh, did venture 
himfelf upon the Faith thereof, and came to fue . 
for his Life; he affirmed, with others that came 
along with him, that more Indians had dyed 
fince this War began of Difeafes (fuch as at other 
Times they ufed not to be acquainted withal) 
than by the Sword of the Englifh.3% 


389 The Purport of the Procla- 


mation was an Invitation to the 


Terms as their Conquerors might 
be difpofed to award. 


Indians to ceafe their Depredations, 
and to furrender to the Authorities. 
No Amnetty was offered, further 
than in the Judgment of the Englifh 
it might confift with their Ideas of 
Juitice. All thofe who had been 
known to have been engaged in the 
War were to expeét only fuch 


For important Documents like the 
one here referred to we look in 
vain into our publifhed * Colonial 
Records, which we are as infultingly 
as impudently told are edited! 

390 Little can be added to what 
is contained in the Book of the In- 
dians relative to this ‘ notorious 


A Narrative of the Troubles |97 


Not long after many of them came and offered 
‘themfelves, to the Number of near two hundred, 
Men, Women, and Children; and many more 
would have done the like, but their Confciouf- 
nefs of Guilt made them conclude, that their 
Cruelties and barbarous Murthers could never be 
forgiven by the Englifh.39” 

But what Occurrents happened next fhall be 
declared in their Order. | 

About the End of une News was brought to 
Bofton, that PAzip with a {mall Party of his Men, 
lurked about Swanzy or Rehoboth, and that he 
might eafily be taken, an Ivdian offering to bring 
them to the Place where they might find him; 
whereupon Soldiers were inftantly fent away from 
Bofton, who {pent fome Time in fearching all the 
Woods on that Side the Country, |97| but at laf 
were forced to return, having miffed at what they 
aimed at. 

Plimouth Colony likewife fent out Soldiers upon 
the fame Account under Major Bradford, who by 
the help of fome Indians of Cape Cod, always true, 
to the Englith Intereft, not only efcaped an Am- 


250 


bufh laid for them, whereby moft of them might” 


Apoftate.”” His Indian Name was than he fuffered the extreme Pen- 


Wowaus, and a fac-fimile of his 
Autograph may be feen in_ the 
Hiftory and Antiquities of Bo'ton, 
422. See alfo I. Mather, Brief 
Hiftory, 172-3. Printer’s former 
Ufefulnefs and promifed future Ser- 
vice probably faved his Neck from 
the Halter; for many lefs Guilty 


alty. He lived many Years after 
the War. See Maffachufets Colony 
Records, v. 

3°1'The Surrenders briefly alluded 
to in this Paragraph probably in- 
cludes ‘* That abominable Indian,” 


Peter Jethro. - See Mather’s Re/a- 


tion, 257. 


~ 


97 | with the Indians in New-England. 251 


have been cut off, but flew many of thofe that 
laid wait for them, without any Lofs to them- 
felves: yea further, a Squaw Sachem of Sakonet,39* 
one of PAzips Allies, having firft fent three Mef- 
fengers to the Governour of Plimouth to fue for 
Life and Liberty, promifing Submiffion to their 
Government on that Condition; but underftand- 
ing the P/imouth Forces were abroad, before her 
Meflengers were returned, fhe with her People, 
about ninety in Number, rendred themfelves up 
to Major Bradford, fo that above one hundred 
and ten were killed, and taken upon Compofition 
that Day.393 

The like Succefs had the Conneéticut Forces fent 
into the Narhaganfet Country, under the Con- 
duct of the wonderful fuccefsful Major Talcor, 
Capt, George Denifon, Capt. Newbery, with other 
worthy Commanders of the faid Forces; for. 
about the fecond of Fuly, 1676, as the faid Com- 
manders with the Forces under them were pur- 
fuing the Enemy in and about the Narhagan/et 
Country toward Mount-hope hearing that Philip 
with his black Regiment of Wompanoogs was 


392'This was Awa/bonks, who 


makes an important Figure in Old 


Sogkonates, or Seconets. 
393 "The Maffachufetts Men men- 


Colony Hiftory. Having had oc- 
cafion to notice her extenfively in 
the Book of the Indians, I need 
only to refer to that Work. Dr. 
Cotton Mather fays *‘ Major Brad- 
ford was the Oedipus by whom that 
Sphinx was conquered.” But Capt. 
Church was the Means of caufing 


the Surrender of Awafhonks and her 


tioned in the laft Paragraph, march- 
ed from Bofton, June 30th. ‘They 
had received Intelligence that Philip 
was at *‘ acertain Place,” but when 
they reached the Point ‘‘ they 
found that he was newly gone.” 
The Plymouth Men were already 
in the Field, and chiefly under the 
Guidance of the bold Capt. Church. 


252 A Narrative of the Troubles  |08 


thereabouts, their Indian Scouts from the Top of 
an Hill difcovered a great Number of the Enemy 
that had newly pitched their Station within the 
~ Semicircle of a Swamp. The Englifh Soldiers 
were all mounted on Horfeback, to the Number 
of near three hundred; wherefore the Com- 
manders ordered the Indians to be ready at the 
Top of the Hill upon a Signal given to run down 
amain upon the Enemy, fecurely lodged in the 
Hollow of the Swamp juft oppofite againift them, 
while their Horfemen were divided into two 
Squadrons to ride round the Hill, fo that at the 
fame Inftant, both the Horfemen upon the two 
Wings, and the Indians afoot rufhing down fud- 
denly upon the Enemy, put them to an horrible 
Fright, making a lamentable Outcry, fome get- 
ting into the Swamp, the reft that were prevent- 
ed by the Horfemen, and the friendly Indians 
coming fo fuddenly upon them, were all taken 
Prifoners; Capt. Newéery with his Troop alight- 
ing from their Horfes, ran into the Swamp after 
them, where they killed at leaft an hundred, as 
was judged by fome then prefent; taking alfo 
many Prifoners out of thofe Habitations of Dark- 
nefs, the Enemy {carce daring to make any Re- 
fiftance; for none of the Englifh, and but one or 
two of the Mohegins and Pegquods were hurt in 
that Affault: yet it was affirmed by a Captain 
prefent on the Place, that with thofe they killed 
and took at Warwick-neck, in their return Home 
(which were not much above fixty) [98] they 
killed and took of the Enemy at that Time above 


98 | with the Indians in New-England. 253 
three hundred youngand old. At the fame Time 


was taken the old Squaw of Narhaganfet, com- 
monly called the old Queen.3% 

They were neceflitated with this Booty to re- 
turn Homewards to gratify the Mohegin and Pe- 
quod Indians that accompanied them, who had 
done them very good Service in the Purfuit, hav- 
ing loft one or two of their Men in the Chafe: 
But their return Home, was, as it proved in the 
Iffue, more beneficial than their longer Stay 
might have been, to have made a fruitlefs Purfuit 
after Philip (whofe Time was not yet come, 
although haftning apace): for in their Return 
they met fixty of the Enemy, all of them they 
flew and took, fo as their Swords returned not 
- empty. 

Within a few Days after, two hundred of the 
Enemy within Pémouth Jurifdiction being dif- 
treffed with Famine, and fear of Danger, came 
and fubmitted themfelves to the Governour there: 
But three of the Company were prefently detect- 
ed of a cruel Murther, and villanous Affault upon 
one Mr. Clarkes Houfe of Plmouth, by a well- 
minded Squaw that was among them (hoping 
that poflibly-fuch a Difcovery would be pleafing 
to the Englifh) and accordingly adjudged forth- 
with to undergo condign Punifhment, which the 
Reft that furrendered themfelves were no whit 


394 Major Tallcott fpeaks ofherin Squaw, Magnus.” Colonial Records 
rather vindictive Terms. ‘‘ Among ofConneéficut,ii, 458. Book of the 
which flaughter,” he writes, ‘‘was Indians, 134,248. See alfo Trum- 


that ould Peice of Venum, Sunck bull, £i/tory of Connecticut, i, 347. 


254 Narrative of theTroubles [98 


troubled at, fuch kind of Villains being always 
exempted from all Acts of Favour and Mercy.395 
Thofe two hundred that had newly furrendered 
themfelves, that they might. give full Proof of 
their Fidelity, offered to lead a Party of the Eng- 
lith to a Place not far off, where twenty more of 
the Enemy might be furprized, amongft whom 
alfo was one, known to bea bloody Murtherer of 
an Englifh man that Year before; accordingly 
eight Englifh men took fourteen of the faid Jn- 
dians, and the next Day brought in all the afore- 
faid twenty of the Enemy with the faid Mur- 
therer; who was prefently executed, the Reft 
being accepted into Favour. 

It is afirmed likewife, that five or fix Sachims 
of Cape Cod, towards the Eaftern Part of it, came 
with three hundred Indians to make Peace with 
the Englifh, on the 6¢4 of ‘fuly; one of the faid 
Sachims earneftly defiring the Englifh that none 
of them might be fuffered to fell any ftrong 


Liquors to the Indians, 


395 A fequel to this will be found 
in the Appendix to Mather, Brief 
Hi ftory, 251-3, extracted from P/- 
mouth Colonial Records, v, 204-5. 
One Keweenam, ‘‘fometimes of 
Sandwich,’ appears to have been 
the Inftigator of the Eel River Mur- 
ders, but Zatofon, or as Capt. 
Church calls him, Zoto/on, was the 
Leader of the Party. ‘Three other 
Indians were before the Council at 
the fame Time, implicated in the 
fame Murders. Their Names were 


the trading of which, 


W oodcocke, Quanapawhan and Fohn 
Num. 'The two former were ac- 
cufed by a Squaw of having been 
in the Eel Rivere Murders; and fi- 
nally, all three of them confeffed 
that they were Participants in it. 
John Num owned alfo that he was 
of that Company that murdered 
Jacob Mitchell and his Wife, and 
John Pope, at Dartmouth. Where- 
upon they were all three ‘‘ emedi- 
ately” executed. Ibidum,205. See 
Note 491, onward. 


99| with the Indiansin New-England. 255 


poffibly hath had no fmall Influence into the pre- 
fent Mifchiefs.3%° 

The next Day, ‘fu/y the 7¢4, a {mall Party of 
ours, with a few friendly or Chriftians Indians 
with them, killed and took feven of the Enemy 
in the Woods not far from Dedham, one of which 
wasa Narhaganfet Sachim ;397 who either himfelf, 
informed, or by fome other at that Time, certain 
Intelligence was brought to Bo/fon, that fome of 
our Enemy Jndians were gotten to Albany, in- 
forming the People there, that they might the 
[99] more eafily get Powder and Ammunition, 
that the Englifh and they were now at Peace: 
One of the faid Indians was the Sachim of Spring- 
field, a bloody and deceitful Villain ; It is hoped 
that he is now taken in the Snare from whence 
he fhall never be fuffered to efcape.39* 

Philip by this Time could not but think his 
Ruin haftned apace, yet that he might in Imita- 
tion of him that ftirred up all this Mifchief ex- 
prefs the more Wrath, becaufe he knew his Time 
was but fhort, intended if pofflible to deftroy one 
Town more of the Englifh before his turn came ; 
_ wherefore uly 11, with all the Forces he could 

get, or that he had left, he intended to fet upon 


395 The Author makes an unac- “ petty Sachem,” but nothing as to 


countable Miftake in this Paragraph. 
Inftead of ‘fix Sachims of Cape 
Cod,” &c., we fhould read “ fix 
Sachims from the Eaft of Pafcata- 
qua.” See Book of the Indians, 699. 


397 Dr. Mather fays he was a 


what Tribe he belonged. See Brief 
Hi ftory, 176. 

398 See Note, ante, 341. The 
Name of the ‘‘Sachim of Spring- 
field,” as given by the Council of 
Conneéticut, was Cogepiefon. Col. 
Records Ct., ii, 462. 


A Narrative of the Troubles | 99 


Taunton, having as was conceived, many hundreds 
in his Company; but his Defign being ftrangely 
difcovered by a Negro whom they had taken 
Captive a little before, that having lived near the 
Indians before, underftood much of their Lan- 
guage, who making his Efcape from them, ac- © 
quainted the Inhabitants with the Plot; who 
having timely Notice, furnifhed themfelves with 
Soldiers, whereby they were able to repulfe the 
Enemy upon the firft approach :399 fo as he only 
fired two Houfes, and then fled away; Except the 
Lord keepeth the City, the Watchmen watcheth but in 
Vain. 

The 22d of this Month of Suly, as is hinted 
before, the Companies fent from Concord, May 
30, up towards Had/y, having fpent much Time 
and Pains in purfuit of PAzip all the Country over 
(whom they could not yet overtake) having tired 
themfelves with many long and tedious Marches 
through the defert Woods: before they returned 
Home, fome of them were fent towards Mount- 
hope, yet was their Labour well improved, and 
followed with good Succefs at the laft: for, in 
ranging thofe Woods in Plimouth Colony, they 


256 


399] do not find anywhere elfe 
any adequate acknowledgement of 
great Obligation the Englifh of Ply- 
mouth Colony were under to this 
Negro tor faving ‘Taunton from 
Deftruction, He went by the Name 
of Jethro. In the Plymouth Col. 
ecards, v, 216, may be feen a very 
fingular Order concerning him. It 
is there {aid he was ‘‘ retaken againe 


by our Army,” that he “apper- . 
tained to the Eftate of the Succeffors 
of Capt. Willett, deceafed,” that it 
was agreed ‘‘ with Mr. John Saffin, 
Adminneftrator of the faid E(ftate, 
mutually, that the faid Negro doe 
forthwith betake himfelfe to his for- 
mer Service, and to remaine a Ser- 
vant untill two Years be expired,” 
&c. 


100 | with the Indians in New-England. 257 


killed and took, by the help of Capt. Mo/eh’s 
Company, and Capt. Bratt/es Troop joyning with 
Major Bradjords Company of Phimouth Colony, an 
hundred and fifty Indians, with the Lofs of never 
an Englifh Man. 

It was feared that Philip and his Company 
would have returned into the Nzpnet Country ; to 
prevent which, feveral Horfemen were fent to 
gaurd the Paffage ; but he lurked about his own 
Country in Swamps and other fecret Places, 
where he was yet hid from the Sight of the Eng- 
lifh, although many Times they hapned to lodg 
very near him, infomuch as an Indian Captive 
promifed in two Hours time to bring our Sol- 
diers to the very Place where he was; but they 
not being able to pafs the neareft Way, came a 
little too late; for they being fo hotly purfued, 
hafted away, leaving much of their Treafure be- 
hind them, their Kettles boyling over the Fire, 
their Dead unburied, and twenty of their Party 
were overtaken, that fell into the Englith Hands :4°° 
Philip himfelf, and fome | 100] few of his ftrag- 
ling Followers, make their Efcape bya Raft over 
an Arm of the Sea, into another Neck of Land 
on Pocaffet Side, not daring to truft himfelf any 
longer in Metapoyfet Woods, fo full of our Eng- 
lith Soldiers, as well thofe of P/imouth, as of the 
Maffachufets Colony, who almoft every Day meet- 
ing with fome of his Party, much leffened his 
Number. Capt. Church, that active and unwea- 


409 See Church, Extertaining Hitory, 112, ed. 1827. 
Mm 


258 A Narrative of the Troubles | 100 
ried Commander, of Plmouth Colony, was at this 
Time as well as long before, out upon the Chafe 
with but eighteen Englifh, and twenty two Jn- 
dians that were Friends, had four feveral Engage- 
ments with Philips Party, wherein he {fpoiled 
feventy fix of the Enemy, without the Lofs of 
one of his own Men. In feveral of thefe Skir- 
mifhes, thofe Indians that upon Submiffion had 
their Lives given them, have done notable Ser- 
vices in hunting out the Enemy in all their lurk- 
ing Places.4°! 

At another Time they took Pips Squaw, and 
one of his chief Councellors ;#°? and about that 
fame Time, another Sachim about Pocaffet, with 
forty Indians, fabmitted himfelf to the Govern- 
ment of Phmouth, on Promife of Life and Liber- 
tyite: 

It feemed that now the Time of our Deliver- 


401'The Expeditions of Church 
are fully detailed in his Work fo 
often quoted. See alfo a very ac- 
curate and elegant Account of them 
by Mr. Baylies. in his i /tory of 
New Piymouth, Part iii. 

402 Church relates the Capture of 
Philip’s Wife, and ‘‘Son of about 
nine Years old,” but he gives no 
Date. See Extertaining Hiftory, 111. 
Previoufly he mentions the Death 
of “ Philip’s old Uncle, Akkompoin,” 
who was fhot “ by fome brik 
Bridgewater Lads,” as he was croff- 
ing ‘Taunton River on a Tree that 
had been felled acrofs it. 

403 "This Paragraph probably re- 
fers to the “‘ coming in” of Peter 


Awafbonks. There came with Peter, 
one named George, and another 
named *‘ Dauid, allies Chowahun- 
na.’ They defired to treat for the 
{urrender of about thirty Men with 
their Wives and Children. The 
Court treated Peter rather gruffly ; 
queftioning him as a Criminal on 
Trial. And, although he acquitted 
himfelf handionely: he got no other 
Satisfaction than this: ‘* Wee take 
notice of your Tender, foe farr as 
to waite for further Probation; 
ordering him to render himfelf and 
others to the Army in the Field, 
and to be at the Difpofal of the 
Commander. See Plymouth Col. 
Records, v, 201-3. 


100 | with the Indians in New-England. 259 


ance was come, and the Time alfo for the 
Deftruction of our Enemies: for the laft Week 
in Fuly,*°+ the Maffachufets underftanding that 
{ome Indians were feen roving up and down the 
Woods about Dedham, almoft ftarved for want of 
Victuals, fent a fmall Company of twenty fix 
Soldiers, with about nine or ten Chriftians Indians, 
who purfued and took fifty of the Enemy, with- 
out any Lofs to the Englifth; at which Time alfo, 
a good Quantity of Wampampeag and Powder 
was taken from the Enemy. ‘That which en- 
creafed this Victory was the Slaughter of Pombam, 
who was one of the ftouteft and moft valiant 
Sachims that belonged to the Narhaganfets ; 
whofe Courage and Strength was fo great, that 
after he had been mortally wounded in the Fight, 
fo as himfelf could not ftand: yet catching hold 
of an Englifh man that by Accident came near. 
him, had done him a Mifchief, if he had not 
been prefently refcued by one of his Fellows. 
Amongtt the Reft of the Captives at that Time, . 
_was one of the faid Pombams Sons, a very likely 
Youth, and one whofe Countenance would have 
befpoke Favour for him, had he not belonged to fo 
bloody and barbarous an Indian as his Father was. 

Thefe Succeffes being daily bruited abroad 
* among the Jndians, put many of them into a 
trembling Condition, not knowing well how to 
difpofe of themfelves; fome that had been lefs 


404 July 25th. Mather, Brief sicle, 137, the Date is July 27th. 
Hi ftory, 180-1; but in the Chro- See alfo Gookin, 112, 


260 A Narrative of theTroubles [101% 


Adtive in thefe Tragedies, and were rather led by 
others, than any wife inclined to Mifchief them- 
{elves, adventured to fubmit themfelves, of which 
~ Number was one of [101] Nzpuet Sachims, called 
Sagamore ‘fohbn, who “fuly 27, came to furrender 
himfelf to the Governour and Council of the 
Maffachufets at Bofton, bringing along with him one 
hundred and eighty of the Enemy Indians. ‘This 
‘fobn, that he might the. more ingratiate himfelf 
with the Englifh, whofe Friendfhip he was now 
willing to feek after, did by a Wile get into his 
Hands one Matoonas, and old malicious Villian, 
who was the firft that did any Mifchief within 
the Maffachufets Colony, Fuly 14, 1675, bearing an 
old Grudge againft them as is thought, for Juftice 
that was done upon one of his Sons, 1671,4°5 
whofe Head ever fince ftands upon a Pole near 
the Gibbet where he was hanged up: the bring- 
ing in of this malicious Caitiff, was an hopeful 
Prefage, that it would not be long before Phziip 
himfelf, the grand Villian, would in like Manner, 
receive a juft Reward of his Wickednefs and 
Murders. 
Sagamore “fohn, that came in ‘fu/y 27, afirmed, 
that he had never intended any Mifchief to the 
Englith at Brookfield the laft Year (near which 
Village it feems his Place was) but that Pdzlip - 
coming over-night amongft them, he was forced, 
for Fear of his own Life, to joyn with them 
againi{t the Englifh. Matoonas alfo, when he was 


405 For the Murder of Zachary Smith. See Nose 72, ante. 


101 | with the Indians in New-England. 261 


brought before the Council, and afked what he 
had to fay for himfelf, confefled that he had 
rightly deferved Death, and could expect no other ; 
adding withal, that if he had followed their 
Counfel he had not come to this: for he had 
often feemed to favour the Praying Indians, and 
the Chriftian Religion, but like Simon Magus, by 
his after Practice, difcovered quickly, that he had 
no Part nor Portion in that Matter.4°° . 
About this Time feveral Parties of Englith, 
within P/imouth Jurifdiction, were willing to have 
a Hand in fo good a Matter, as catching of Philip 
would be, who perceiving that he was now goin 
down the Wind, were willing to haften his Fall. 
Amongtft others a fmall Party, Fu/y 31, went out 
of Bridgwater upon difcovery, and by Providence 
were directed to fall upon a Company of Indians 
where Pdilip was; they came up with them, and 
killed fome of his fpecial Friends ; P4Az/zp himfelf 
was next to his Uncle, that was fhot down, and 
had. the Soldier had his Choice which to {Hoot 
at, known which had been the right Bird, he 
might as well have taken him as his Uncle, but 
tis faid that he had newly cut off his Hair, that 
he might not be known :4°7 the Party that did 
this Exploit were few in Number, and therefore 
not being able to keep altogether clofe in the 
Reer, that cunning Fox efcaped away through 
the Bufhes undifcerned, in the Reer of the Eng- 
406 See Old Indian Chronicle. was the Day following the Death of 


407 This is very different from Akkompoin. See Church, 110, alfo 
Church’s Account. Philip’s Efcape Bayiies, N. Plym., iii. 


262 <A.Narrative of the Troubles [102 


lith. That which was moft remarkable in this 
Defign, was that trembling Fear difcerned to be 
upon the indzans at this ‘Time, infomuch that one 
of them having a Gun in his |102| Hand well 
laden, yet was not able to fhoot it off, but fuffered 
an Englifh Soldier to come clofe up to his Breaft, 
and fo fhot him down, the other not being able 
to make any Refiftance: nor was any of the 
' Englith hurt at this Time. 

The like Terror was feen in others at that 
Time; for within two Days after, Capt. Church, 
the Terror of the Indians in Plhmouth Colony, 
marching in purfuit of Péip, with but thirty 
Englifh-men, and twenty reconciled Indians, took 
twenty three of the Enemy, and the next Day 
following them by their Tracts, fell upon their. 
Head-Quarters, and killed and took about an 
hundred and thirty of them, but with the Lofs 
of one Engh/b Man ;*°8 in this Engagement God 
did appear in a more than ordinary Manner to 
fight for the Englifh: for the Indians by their 
Number, and other Advantages of the Place, 
were fo conveniently provided, that they might 


have made the firft Shot 
them much Damage; 
Country-men*°? in Capt. 


403'Thomas Lucas, of Plymouth, 
who ‘not being fo careful as he 
might have been about his Stand, 
was killed.” Church 115, and 
Book of the Indians, 225. 


409 Matthias. We are indebted 
to Dr. I. Mather for the Name of 


at the Englifh, and done 
but one of their own 


Church’ s Company efpy- 


this Indian, and though Mr. Hub- 
bard feems to have got his Account 
from Mather, he omits the Name 
of the Indian; and even Church, 
who is exceedingly minute, omits the 
Namealfo. See Brief Hiffory, 188; 
Church, 114. The Affair took 
place on Auguft 1ft, 


102 | with the Indians in N. ew-Hngland. 263 


ing them, called aloud unto them in their own 
Language, telling them, that if they fhot a Gun, 
they were all dead Men; with which they were fo 
amazed, that they durft not once offer to fire at 
the Englifh, which made the Victory the more 
remarkable: PA/ip made avery narrow Efcape 
at that Time, being forced to leave his Treafures, 
his beloved Wife and only Son, to the Mercy of 
the Englith, Sk for Skin, all that a Man bath 
will he give for his Life: His Ruine. being thus 
gradually carried on, his Mifery was not pre- 
vented but augmented thereby; being himfelf 
made acquainted with the Sence and experi- 
mental Feeling of the captivity of his Children, 
lofs of his Friends, flaughter of his Subjects, be- 
reavement of all Family Relations, and being 
ftript of all outward Comforts, before his own 
Life fhould be taken away. Such Sentence fome- | 
time paffed upon Cain, made him cry out, that 
his Punifoment was greater than he could bear, 

This bloody Wretch had one Week or two 
more to live, an Object of Pity, but a Spectacle of 
Divine Vengeance; his own Followers beginning 
now to plot againft his Life, to make the better 
Terms for their own, as they did alfo feek to be- 
tray Sguaw Sachim of Pocaffet, Philip's near Kin{- 
woman and Confederate.*'?° For, 

Auguft 6. An Indian willing to fhift for him- 
felf, fled to Taunton, offering to lead any of the 


410 Weetamoo. Or, as Captain Thus, likewife, Mrs. Rowlandfon 
Church has the Name, Wittamore. has it, 


264. A Narrative of the Troubles [103 | 


Englith that would follow him, to a Party of Jn- 
dians, which they might eafily apprehend; which 
twenty attempted, and accordingly feized the 
whole Company to the Number of twenty fix; 
all but that Squaw Sachim herfelf, who intending 
to make an Efcape from the Danger, attempted 
to get over a River or Arm of the Sea near | 103] 
by, upon a Raft or fome Peices of broken Wood; 
but whether tired and fpent with Swimming, or 
ftarved with Cold and Hunger, fhe was found 
ftark naked in Metapor/et, not far from the Water- 
fide; which made fome think, that fhe was firft 
half drowned, and fo ended her wretched Life 
juft in that Place where the Year before fhe had 
helped Pip to make his Efcape: her Head be- 
ing cut off and fet upon a Pole in Launton, was 
known by fome Indians then Prifoners, which fet 
them into an horrid Lamentation ;4? but fuch 


411 Such was the melancholy Fate 
of the once proud Queen of Pocaffet, 
who before the War is faid to have 
had large and valuable Poffeffions. 


dering her Hair and painting her 
Face, going with her Necklaces, 
with Jewels in her Ears, and Brace- 
lets upon her Hands. When fhe 


“*She is as potent a Prince as any 
round about her, and hath as much 
Corn, Lend, and Men at her Com- 
mand.” Chronicle, 6. She. be- 
came the Wife of a great Chief 
named Quinnapin, who being at 
the facking of Lancafter became 
poffeffed of Mrs. Rowlandfon as 
his Prifoner, and hence the Slave of 
Weetamoo. ‘* A fevere and proud 
Dame fhe was,” fays Mrs, R., 
“‘beftowing every Day in drefling 
herfelf near as much Time as any 


of the Gentry of the Land: Pow- 


had dreffed herfelf, her Work was 
to make Girdles of Wampum and 
Beads,”? At a Dance fhe is thus 
defcribed: ‘* She hada kerfey Coat, 
covered with Girdles of Wampum 
from the Loins upward. Her Arms 
from her Elbows to her Hands were 
covered with Bracelets. "There were 
Handfuls of Necklaces about’ her 
Neck, and feveral forts of Jewels in 
her Ears. She had fine red Stocke 
ings, and white Shoes, her Hair 
powdered, and her Face painted 
red, that was always before black, 


103 | with the Indians in New-England, 265 


was the righteous Hand of God, in bringing at 
the laft that Mifchief upon themfelves, which 
they had without Caufe thus long acted againft 
others. 

Philip, like a Salvage and wild Beaft, having 
been hunted by the Englifh Forces through the 
Woods, above an hundred Miles backward and 
Rvrard: at laft was driven to his own Den, upon 
Mount- hope, where retiring himfelf with a fees of 
his beft Friends into a Swamp, which proved but 
a Prifon to keep him faft, till the Meflengers of 
Death came by Divine Permiffion to execute 
Vengeance upon him, which was thus accom- 
plithed. 

Such had been his inveterate Malice and Wick- 
ednefs againft the Englifh, that defpairing of 
Mercy from them, he could not bear that any 
thing fhould be fuggefted to him about a Peace, | 
infomuch as he caufed one of his Confederates 
to be killed for propounding an Expedient of 
Peace ;#?2 which fo provoked fome of his Com- 
pany, not altogether {fo defperate as himfelf, that 
one of them (being near of kin that was killed) 


And all the Dancers were after the 
fame Manner.” Captivity, .63-4, 
73. Edition, 1828. A magnificent 
Subject for a Poet, it muft be con- 
fefled, but the Authors of Yamoy- 
den, fignally tailed in their Attempt 
to diftinguifh ‘‘Pocafflet’s Warrior 
Queen,” 


432 Church, who recorded his 
Nn 


Doings above a Quarter of a Cen- 
tury after this Fact was written, 
fpeaks as though Philip had killed 
the Man himfelf, which is improba- 
ble; for, from the Infight I have 
been able to obtain of his Charaéter, 
Ido not think he ever had the 
Courage to commit Murder. See 


Church, 121; Mather, Brief Hz/- 


tory, 193-4. 


266 A Narrative of theTroubles [103 
fled to Road-Ifland (whither, that active Cham- 


pion Capt. Church was newly retired, to recruit 
his Men for a little Time, being much tired with 
hard Marches all that Week) informing them 
that PAlip was fled to a Swamp in Mount- 
hope whither he would undertake to lead them 
that would purfue him. This was welcome 
News, and the beft Cordial for fuch martial 
Spirits :#"3 whereupon he immediately, with a 
{mall Company of Men, part Englifh and part 
Indians, began another March, which fhall prove 
fatal to PAz/ip, an end that Controverfie betwixt 
the Englifh and him: for coming very early 
to the fide of the Swamp, his Soldiers began pre- 
fently to furround it, and whether the Devil 
appeared to him ina Dream that Night, as he 
did unto Sau/, foreboding his tragical End (it 
matters not);#% as he intended to make his 
Efcape out of the Swamp, he was fhot through 
the Heart by an Jnudian of his own Nation, as is 
faid, that had all this while kept himfelf ina 
Neutrality until this Time, but now had the caft- 


413 ¢€ Capt. Church being now at 
Plymouth again, weary and worn, 
would have gone Home to his Wife 
_and Family, but the Government 
being {olicitous to engage him in the 
Service until Philip was flain, and 
promifing him Satisfaétion and Re- 
drefs for fome Miitreatment that he 
had met with, he fixes for another 
Expedition.” Extertaining Hiftory, 
120. 

414 << That very Night Philip 


(like the Man in the Army of Mi- 
dian) had been dreaming that he 
was fallen into the Hands of the 
Englifh; and now juft as he was 
telling his Dream with Advice 
unto his Friends to fly for their 
Lives, left the Knave who had newly 
gone from them, fhould fhew the 
Englifh how to come at them, Capt. 
Church with his Company fell upon 
them.” C, Mather (in Brief Hif- 
tory), 196, . 


104 | with the Indians in New-England. 267 


ing-vote in his Power, by which he determined 
the Quarrel that had held fo long in Sufpenfe,*"5 
in him is fulfilled what was faid in the Prophet, 
Wo to thee that ‘[poileth, and thou waft not fpoiled, 
and dealeft |\to4| treacheroufly, and they dealt not 
treacheroufly with thee; when thou fhalt make an 
End to deal treacheroufly, they fhall deal treacher- 
oufly with thee, Ifa. 33. 1. 

With Pdzip at this Time fell five of his trueft 
Followers, of whom one was faid to be the Son 


of his chief Captain, that had fhot the firftt Gun 


at the Englifh the Year before.*"® 


415'The fancy Name of this In- 
dian was Alderman; given him by 
the Englifh of courfe. His Indian 
Name does not appear. ‘* Philip 
having one very remarkable Hand, 
being much fcarred, occafioned by 
the fplitting of a Pittol in it formerly, 
Capt. Church gave the Head and 
that Hand to A/derman, the Indian 
who fhot him, to fhow to fuch Gen- 
tlemen as would beftow Gratuities 
upon him; and accordingly he got 
many a Penny by it.” utertain- 
ing Eliffory, 126. ‘This Alderman, 
according to Dr, I. Mather, for- 
merly belonged to Squaw-Sachim 
[Weetamoo] of Pocaffet. In the 
Beginning of the War he came to 
the Governor of Plymouth, ma- 
nifefting his Defire to be at peace 
with the Englifh, and immediately 
withdrew to an Ifland, not having 
engaged againft the Englifh nor for 
them, before this Time.” Brief 
Hiftory, 194-5. 


416 Church does not tell us who 


This was done 


were killed with Philip, while it ap- 
pears from Dr. Mather’s Account 
that but two of Philip’s Party efcap- 
ed; for he fays it confifted of only 
feven. See Brief Hiftory, 194. 
But this does notagree with Church’s 
Narrative. ‘Yhat fays many of the 
Indians efcaped from the Swamp at 
a Point not guarded by Church’s 
Men. See Entertaining Hi't., 125. 
Annawon was prefent with Philip, 
and we are told that he called on 
his Men ‘‘to ftand to it and fight 
ftoutly.””  Jéid. Church had with 
him a Number of his old and tried 
Soldiers, but he does not inform us 
who they were, except a few inci- 
dentally. Doubtlefs Lieut. Jabez 
Howland and William [B. ?] South- 
worth were among thofe who went 
from Plymouth with him. On 
Rhode Ifland he was joined by Maj. 
Peleg Sanford and Capt, Roger 
Golding. ‘Thefe were at the killing 
of Philip.  utertaining Hiftory, 
11559120, 


268 A Narrative of the Troubles | 104 


Auguft 12. 1676, a remarkable Teftimony of 
divine Favour to the Colony of Plimouth, who 
had for their former Succeffes, appointed the 17¢4 
Day of Auguft following, to be kept as a Day of 
folemn Thankfgiving to Almighty God. There 
having been fo ftrange a Turn of Providence 
obferved in the late Succeffles obtained in and 
about Plimouth Colony, it may not be amifs here 
to enquire into the Occafions that did lead there- 
unto, and alfo into the Progrefs and Continuance 
thereof, after the Slaughter of PAziip, that grand 
‘Rebel. 

In the precedent Narration frequent Mention 
hath been made of one Capt. Church, whom God 
hath made an Inftrument of fignal Victories over 
the Indians in that Colony, and of great Advan- 
tage in that Refpect to that whole jurifdiction. 
It hapned that the faid Capt. Church fome time 
in Sune laft*'? viz. of this prefent Year, 1676, 
pafling over in a Canoo, from Pocaffet to Road- 
Ifland, as he ufed frequently to do (having had 
much Employment upon the faid Neck of Land, 
fo called) feveral Indians whom he had known 
before at Lakenham*® (a Village near Pocaffet) 
beckned to him, as if they had a Mind to fpeak 
with him; he having had fo much Experience 


417 Church was at Plymouth on feea Rod before him.” See p.[107, 
the 8th of June, and fet out imme- onward. ‘The Name has long fince 
diately for Rhode Ifland. wter- given place to another. Plymouth 
taining Hiftory, 74. included it at that Day. It was an 

imported Name, and fo called from 

418** Upon Pocaflet Neck, fo Lakenham in the County of Norfolk, 
full of Bufhes that a Man could not near Norwich, England, probably. 


105 | with the Indians in New-England. 269 


as well as others of their Treachery, was not will- 
ing to adventure prefently to come near them; 
but when they feemed to urge very much, and 
made many Signs to him, and at laft laid down 
their Guns in his Sight, he began to think with 
himfelf, there might be fomething in the Matter 
more than ordinary, therefore refolved to goa 
little nearer to the Shore, and then he perceived 
they hada great Mind to {peak with him, ufing 
much importunity for that End, infomuch as he 
ventured to go afhore amongft them, having but 
one Englifh-man, and two Indians with him; he 
directed them to keep off the Canoo, while he 
difcourfed with the Judians afhore: as foon as 
ever he came amongft them, they told him they 
were weary of fighting, and that they had fought 
fo long by PArip’s Inftigation, but they could 
not tell for what End, and therefore were refolved 
they would fight no longer; and that which they 
defired of him, only was, that he would make 
Way for them to the Governour, that they may 
live quietly amongft the Englith, as they had 
done before, and that they would deliver up their 
Arms, or would go out with them, if he pleafed 
to accept of them, and fight for him: |105] to 
that End they defired a Time to parly with him 
further about that Bufinefs, at what Time and 
Place he would appoint: He told them he would 
meet them two Days after at Saconet, a Place up 
higher upon the faid Neck, about twelve a Clock; 
accordingly he came to the faid Place, and found 


270 Narrative of the Troubles | 105 


the fame Indians, with fome others, and their 
Sunke Squaw,*9 or chief Woman of that Indian 
Plantation, there ready to meet him. 

After they had fallen into Difcourfe about the 
Beginning of the War, as well as the Succefs and 
Mifchief of it, they would have put the Blame 
off from themfelves, and laid it upon the Englifh: 
but he prefently convinced them by an undenia- 
ble Evidence, that they firft began the War; For 
faid he upon this Pocaffet, July 7, 1675, you firft 
fought with fome of Road-Ifland, whereof one, 
was my own Servant, whofe Leg you broke, and 
the fame Day you fhot at myfelf and Company, 
before ever we meddled with you: They were 
{o fully convinced herewith, that they found no- 
thing to reply, but fell into other Difcourfe about 
a Peace, which they feemed very defirous to ob- 
tain upon any equal Terms, as was faid before.*?° 

There were about fifteen of the Indians pre- 
fent, befide their Sunke Squaw (which is with us 
their Governefs or Lady); in Conclufion they 
engaged for ever after to leave Philip, and to go 
out with him; which they did forthwith, as foon © 
as he had obtained a Peace for them with the 
Governour. 

It is here to be minded, that thefe were not. 
properly PdAziip’s Indians, but belonged to the 
Sakonet Squaw, who was nearly related to Phzlip, 
and her Subjects had hitherto fought in PAziip’s 


119 Weetamoo. Sake wasa Name 420 Compare this Account with 
by which the Wife of aSachem was that of Church, commencing at 
known among the Narraganfets. Page 75 of Entertaining Hiftory. 


106 | with the Indians of New-England, 271% 


Quarrel, till they faw nothing but Mifery and 
Mitchief like to be the Iffue of it to themfelves, 
as well as their Neighbours. About twenty or 
thirty of thefe Sakonet Indians have conftantly 
gone out with Capt. Church ever fince, and not 
only been faithful ‘and ferviceable to him, but 
very fuccefsful in every Enterprife they have 
gone about; nor hath he loft any of them in any 
Skirmifh with the other Jnudians; . And it is faid 
that this Act of thefe Indians broke Philip's Heart 
as foon as ever he underftood it, fo as he never 
joyed after, or had any Succefs in any of his De- 
figns, but loft his Men one Time after another, 
till himfelf at laft fell intothe Hands of thefe 
Indians ander Capt. Churches Command: For at 
the Swamp when Philip was flain, Capt. Church 
appointed an Englifh Man and an Indian to ftand 
at fuch a Place of the Swamp, where it hapned 
that Philip was breaking away ;#7* the Morning 
being wet and rainy, the Englifh Mans Gun 
would not fire, the Indian having an old Mufket 
with a large |106| Touch-hole, it took fire the 
more readily, with which PA:/p was defpatched, 
the Bullet pafling directly through his Heart, 


421 <¢ Capt. Church knowing that 
it was Philip’s Cuitom to be fore- 
moft. in the Flight, went down to 
the Swamp and gave Capt. [John] 
Williams of Scituate the Command 
of the right Wing of the Ambufh, 
and placed an Englifhman and an 
Indian together behind fuch fhelters 
of Trees, &c., as he could find, 


taking care to place them at fuch 
Diftance, that none might pafs un- 
difcovered between them. It being 
fomewhat farther through the Swamp 
than he was aware of, he wanted ~ 
men to make up his Ambufcade.” 
Hence the Efcape of fome of Philip’s 
Party as already mentioned. See 
Entertaining Hiftory, 122, 125. 


272 Narrative of the Troubles | 106 
where ‘foab thruft his Darts into the rebellious 
Abfalom+* 

Thus did Divine Vengeance retaliate upon this 
notorious Traitor, that had againft his League 
and Covenant rifen up againft the Government 
of Plmouth, to raife up againit him one of his 
own People, or one that was in League with him, 
as he was with the Englifh: The Indian that did 
this Execution was called /derman of Sakonet 
that had never done any Act of Hoftility againft 
the Englifh. 

By thefe Paflages it is manifeft, that as the 
Hearts of all are in the Hands of God, fo he turns 
them as be pleafes, either to favour his People, or 
to hate and deal fubtilly -with his Servants, as 
feems good to him. 

Since this Engagement with the Sakonet In- 
dians, to leave Philip, and to go out with Capt. 
Church, it is credibly affirmed; that fuch hath 
been their Succefs, that fince ‘fume aforefaid, to 
the end of Odéfober next following, there have 
been feven hundred Indians fubdued, either by 
killing or taking Captive, by the means of Capt. 
Church and his Company, part Indzans, and part 
Englith, befides three hundred that have come 


422 And, fays Dr. I. Mather, 
**'Thus did God break the Head of 
that Leviathan, and give it to be 
Meat to the People inhabiting the 
Wildernefs, and brought it to the 
Town of Plymouth, the very Day 
of their folemn Feftival.” Auguit 


17th. Philip’s Head was fet up on 
the Fort there, where it remained a 
quarter of a Century. or more, as it 
appears from what Dr. C. Mather 
fays in his Account of the War, 
who took away one of the Jaws. 


See Brief Hi ftory, 197. 


106 | with the Indians fs New-England. 273 


in voluntarily to fubmit themfelves to the Gov- 
ernment of P/imouth. 

It appears thus by the Sequel of things, that 
after the Lord hath accomplifhed his Work upon 
his People, that he is beginning to call his Ene- 
mies to an Account, and punifh them for the 
Pride of their Heat and for all their Treachery 
and Cruelty againft his Servants. 

Philip’s Captains have run the fame Fate with 
himfelf, fome before and fome after his own Fall. 

In une laft one Tra/bg*?3 a great Captain of 
his, his Wife and Child or Children being taken, 
though he efcaped himfelf at firft, yet came ees 
and furrendered himfelf. 

The next noted Captain of PAzlip’s Indians that 
was brought in after P4z/p’s Death, was one called 
Te/piquin,*+ a notorious Villian, next to Phz/zp, he 
was called the black Sachems Son: It was this: 
Te/piguin that burnt fo many Houfes in Phmouth 
lately.475 Capt. Church with his Company were 
in Purfuit of him in September laft, two Days be- 
fore they could get near him; at the laft on the 
third Day they found the Track made by the 
faid Te/piquin’s Party, as they went to fetch Ap- 
ples from the Englith Orchards: This was fome- 
thing |of| a blind Track, therefore they were 


* 423 Capt. Church gives his name 
Tyafks. 

424 The Name of this noted Chief 

I find from Deeds and other original 

Papers was Watu/pequin. Ue with 

others was fhot at Plymouth, contrary 

to the expréfs Conditions on which 


Oo 


he furrendered to Capt. Church. 
The Tranfaétion will ever remain a 
foul Stain upon the Government of 
Plymouth. See Church, 146. 

425 On the 11th of May they 
burnt eleven Houfes. See awe rp. 
220, and Davis’s Morton, 444. 


274. 4 Narrative of the Troubles |107 


forced to take up their Quarters that Night 
without difcovering any Place of their Rendez- 
vouz. The next Morning about nine of the 
Clock, they came to their firft Rendezvouz, from 
which they were newly gone: at One a Clock 
they came to the fecond, and miffing | 107| them 
there, they foon after came to the third Track, 
wherein after they had marched awhile, they 
perceived they grew very near them, by the cry- 
ing of a Child which they heard: the Place was 
near Lakenham upon Pocaffet Neck, fo full of 
Bufhes that a Man could not fee a Rod before 
him: Captain Church ordered his Men to March 
up together in one Rank, becaufe he difcovered 
the Ink dians were laid in one Range by feveral 
Fires, fo that by that Time they all came up into 
an even Rank pretty near together, within a few 
Yards of them, as he had appointed, they all 
fuddenly rufhed altogether in upon them, and 
catched hold of them, not fuffering any to efcape ; 
there being about fifty of them inall: Te/piquin’s 
Wife. and Children were there, but himfelf was 
abfent, as alfo one acob, and a Girl that belong- 
ed to that Company. The Captain’s Leifure 
would not ferve him to wait till they came in 
(though the Indians faid they might come that 
Night), wherefore he thought upon this Project; 
to leave two old Sguawes upon the Place with — 
Victuals, and bid them tell Ye/pzquin, that he 
fhould ie his Captain over his Inzdzaus if he were 
found fo ftout a Man, as they reported him to 


107 | with the Indians in NV. ew-Fngland. 275 


be; for the Indians had faid that Te/piguin could 
not be pierced by a Bullet; for faid they, he was 
fhot twice, but the Bullets glanced by him and 
could not hurt him. Thus the Captain marched 
away with his Booty, leaving this Trap behind 
him to take the Reft; the next Morning he 
came to fee what his Trap had catch’d, there he 
found ‘facob aforefaid (a notorious Wretch) and 
the Girl he miffed before, but not Te/piguin: 
But within a Day or two aftér, the faid Te/piguin, 
upon the Hopes of being made a Captain‘ under 
Capt. Church, came after fome of the Company, 
and fubmitted himfelf in the Captain’s Abfence ; 
and was fent to Piimouth, but upon Trial (which 
was the Condition on which his being promifed 
a Captain’s Place under Capt. Church did depend) 
he was found penetrable by the Englith Guns, 
for he fell down at the firft Shot, and thereby 
received the juft Reward of his former Wicked- 
nefs.479 

About a Fortnight after the furprifing of Te/- 
piquin, was one Totofons Company taken, wherein 
were above fifty Perfons: but Tofofon himfelf 
efcaped, and is out {till in Rebellion, unlefs Ven- 
geance hath overtaken him fince.#?7 

The next that was feized after the former, was 
one called Annawan; avery Subtil politick Fel- 

#26 'The bad Faith of the Gov- 427In {peaking of Totofon’s Death, 
ernment in thus putting to Death Church.is very prolix; butif I mif- 
thofe who had furrendered ona_ take not his meaning, the ‘‘ famous” 
promife of good Quarter, is fingu- Chief died of Sicknefs not long after 


larly in Contraft with the Character Tifpequin’s Execution. See Church, 
of many of the Plymouth People. 119. 


276 A Narrativeof theTroubles [108 


low, and one of P4ziips chief Councellors; he 
had about twelve Men, and as many Women and 
Children in his Company, who were difcovered 
by their fhooting at the Englifh Horfes, and other 
Cattel; fome of whom being taken, they made 
known the Reft. Capt. Church at that Time 
had but five Englifh-men, and twenty Indians. 
[108] The Place where this Annawan had be- 
taken himfelf, was a Ledg of Rocks inacceffible 
but at one Place, which by a few Hands might 
eafily have been defended againft a great Num- 
ber of Affailants:#% but Capt. Church by Direc- 
tion got up to their Wigwams before they were 
aware: and pleafantly told Annawan that he had. 
come to fup with him that Night; whereat the 
faid Annawan (who had fallen flat upon the Earth, 
expecting to have his Head cut off) looked up 
and cried Taubut,**9 in their Language, thank you, 
as one being much affected with the Generofity 
of our Englifh Captain ; they found fome of the 
Englifh Beef boiling in their Kettles: After 
Supper much Difcourfe had with the faid Anna- 
wan, they lay down to fleep together in the Wig- 
wam: Capt. Church laying one of his Legs upon 
Annawan’s Son, and the other upon himfelf, that 
he might have Notice if any of them offered to 
ftir: after Midnight Annawan rofe up, and Capt. 
Church was prefently awake, and intended to 


423 T made a rude Sketch of the 429 According to Heckewelder 
Place, which was engraved upona_ the fame Word was in ufe among 
copper Plate for my Edition of the Delawares and had the fame 
Church’s Hiftory. Signification. 


108 | with the Indians in New-England. 277 
watch after his Prifoner: he thought at the firft 


he might have gone forth upon fome neceffary 
Occafion; but not long after, he returned again, 
having fetched, out of a Swamp hard by, two 
Horns of Powder, and a large Belt of Peag, fup- 
pofed to be Philip’ s Belt, all which he delivered 
to Capt. Church, in way of thankful Acknow- 
ledgment of his Courtefie. Amongtt other Dif- 
courfe that pafled between them, concerning the 
Occafion of the War, and carrying of it on, the 
. Indian would fain have excufed PAéz/ip, and laid 
the Blame upon the Praying-Indzans*3° (as they are 
diftinguifhed from others by that Character) and 
others of the younger Sort of his Followers, who 
coming with their feveral Tales (which he liken- 
ed to Sticks laid on a Heap) till by the Multitude 
of them a great Fire came to be kindled ;43! 
they make much ufe of Parabolical Exprefflions ; 
for fo faid Solomon, Where no Wood ts, there the Ftre 
goeth out; fo where there isno Tale-bearer the Strife 
ceafeth, Prov. 26. 20. But PAzip had large and 
long Experience of the Gentlenefs and Kindnefs 
of the Englifh both to himfelf and to his People, 
fo as unlefs he had born an evil and malicious 
Mind againft the Englifh, he would never have 
hearkened to thofe Stories, contrary to his faith- 
ful Promife and Allegiance. 

The faid Annawan confeffeth alfo, that he did 


430 Church does not mention this. 131'This forcibly reminds us of 
Indeed his Account of what pafled the Reply made by another great 
in Converfation between himfelf Chief on quite a different Occafion, 
and Annawan is very meagre. See Book of the Indians, 536. 


278 A Narrative of the Troubles [109 
believe by all thofe late Occurrents, that there 
was a great God that over-ruled all ; and that he 
had found, that whatever he had done to any of 
thofe, whether Indians or Englifh, the fame was 
brought upon himfelf in after-time. He confefled 
alfo, that he had put to Death feveral of the Eng- 
lith, that they had taken alive, ten in one Day: 
and could not deny but that fome of them had 
been tortured: and now he could not but fee the 
Juftice of the great God upon himfelf, with 
many other Things of like Nature. |109] But 
_ whatever his Confeffions of this Nature were, 
being forced from him by the Power of Con- 
{cience, after he was delivered up to Authority, 
he was put to Death, as he juftly had deferved.43? 

It is faid that PAézip when he firft began his 
Rebellion, had about three hundred fighting Men 
under him, befides thofe that belonged to his 
kinfwoman Wetamoe, drowned about Taunton, 
that had almoft as many under her as himfelf. 
And one Quenopin, a Narhaganfet. Sachim, that 
lived near him, and joyned with him in his 
Quarrel with the Englifh: But it is certain that 
there are fcarce any that are now left that be- 
longed to either of them: fo as although the 
Almighty hath made Ufe of them to be a Scourge 
to his People, he hath now turned his Hand 


432 'This Account of the Confef- 
fions of Annawon is not mentioned 
by Church or any other of the 
early Writers. On the other 
Hand there is Evidence that Church 


heard of his Execution with Sad- 
nefs, and was ‘‘ greatly grieved ”’ in 
Confequence, as will ever be the 
humane Reader. See Evtertaining 


Hiftory, 146. 


109 | with the Indians in New-England. 279 


againit them, to their utter Deftruction and Ex- 
tirpation from off the Face of the Earth, perad- 
venture to make Room for others of his People 
to come in their, Room, and in their Stead. 

As for the Reft of the Narhagan/fets that 
joyned in Pdz/7p’s Quarrel, it is already declared 
what End they were come unto. As for the 
Reft of the Indians, whether Nipnet, Nafhaway, 
Pacomptuck, or Hadly and Spring field Indians; it 
is not fo certain what has become of them: But 
after their Seperation one from the other about 
Fuly lat, it was obferved by all the Tracts in 
thofe Woods, they went {till Weftward, and about 
the Middle of dugufi laft, a great Party of them 
were obferved to pats by We/ifeld, a {mall Town 
to the Weft of Spring field, and were judged to be 
about two hundred : News thereof being brought 
to Major Talcot, he with the Soldiers of Conneéiz- . 
cut Colony under his Command, both Englifh and 
Indians, purfued after them as far as du/fotunnoog*33 
River (in the middle Way betwixt We/ffeld and 
the Dutch River, and Fort-Albany) where he 
overtook them, and fought with them; killing 
and taking Prifoners forty-five, whereof twenty- 
five were fighting Men, without the Lofs of any 
one of his Company, befides a Mohegin Indian; 
many of the Reft were forely wounded, as ap- 


peared by the dabling of the Buthes with Blood, 


433 The modern Hou/atonic. The moft other Indian Names. It is 
Name was varioufly. written, like faid tomean over the Mountain. 


280 


A Narrative of the Troubles 


as was obferved by them that followed them a 
little further.+34 

It is written fince from d/bany, that there 
were fundry Loft befides the forty five foremen- 
tioned, to the Number of threefcore in all; and 
alfo that a hundred and twenty of them are fince 
dead of Sicknefs; fo as Vengeance feems to be 
perfuing of them as well as the Reft.*35 

Several of their Friends that belonged to 
Nafbaway, and the Places adjoining, repaired to 
Pafcataqua, hoping to fhrowd themfelves under 
the Wings of fome honefter Indians about Quech- 
echo, under Pretence [iro] of a Declaration fet 
out by the Governour and Council of the Ma/fa- 
chufets in the beginning of “fu/y laft : but fome of 


[110 


434 Major Pynchon, writing ag 
Spe on the 15th of Augutt, 
(1676) faid that three Days before, 
near 200 Indians were difcovered 
within three or four Miles of Weft- 
field, and that the People had made 
a flight Attack upon them, but the 
Indians were fo numerous that they 
durf not venture to engage them. 
It appears thofe Indians were fleeing 
towards the Hudfon River. About 
the fame Time Major ‘Talcott ar- 
rived at Springfield. He had juit 
marched from Quabaog, where he 
had deftroyed the Indian’s Corn, 
and immediately purfued on after 
the Fugitives. They croffed the 
Conneéticut juft below the Great 
{Swamfcott] Falls. ‘Tallcott over- 
took, and partially furprifed them 
on the 19th of Auguft, killing and 
taking about forty-five of them. 


The Reft efcaped into the fur- 
rounding Wildernefs, and could 
not be purfued. See Judd, Hiffory, 
Hadley, 181 ; Trumbull, Aéi/ory, 
Conneéticut, 1, 3489. In a Note 
by the Printer of the Stockbridge 
Edition of this Work, it is faid, 
**'This Battle was probably fought 
in Stockbridge, near where the 
Meeting-houfe now ftands.” I 
fhould remark, that Mr. Judd’s 
Date of the Surprife cannot poflibly 
be the true one. It fhould prob- 
ably be Auguft rs5th. See Co/ony 
Records, Connecticut, ii, 469. 

435 See feveral Letters refpecting 
thofe Indians that fled towards Al- 
bany, which paffed between the 
Council of Connecticut and Gov. 
Andros, in Colony Records of Con- 
necticut, il, 494-7. Seealfo Hutch- 
infon’s Cols. Orig. Papers, 476-7. 


110 | with the Indians in New-England. 281 


our Forces under Capt. Hathorne and Capt. Sz//, 
with the Help of Major Walden, Captain Froft, 
and others refiding in thofe Parts, being then in 
a Readinefs, feperated the Vile and Wicked from 
the Reft, and fent them down to the Governour 
at Bo/ton, where eight or nine of the Ring-leaders, 
fuch as One-eyed ‘fohn, Sagamore Sam of Na/ha- 
way, chief Actors of the late Outrages and bloody 
Mifchiets,, had Juftice done upon them foon 
after.43° 

As for the Maffacres and Calamities that befell 
the Englifh further Eaftward, they fhall in the 
fecond Part of this Narrative be declared. 

The Indians being thus difperfed feveral Ways, 
were ftrangely confounded, and deftroyed one 
Parcel after another, untill there was none left 
in the Weftern or ouehenn Parts, that durft 
make any Oppofition all the following Part of 
the Year. 

As for thofe that fled Weftward toward /bany, 
we fhall there leave them for the Prefent, withing 
we may never hear more of them: only a Perfon 
of Quality informeth, that at Hartford, in Sep- 
tember \aft, he was prefent at the Examination of 
one Choos an Indian, formerly of Connecticut, but 
one of the Narhaganfet Fort laft Winter, who 
confefled that he was one of that Company of 
Indians that went Weftward the Month before 


436 A Number of Englifh Cap- Remarks on this Tranfaétion, in 
tives were delivered up at the fame AHiffory, New Hamp/fbire, i, 142-5, 
Time. See Dr. Belknap’s judicious Edition, 1784. 


Pp 


282 A Narrative of the Troubles - | 110 


toward Hud/ons River; but after the Fight at 
Aufotunoog, he faid he returned back to Conneéft- 
cut for fear of the Mohawks: and that he lay 
hid about Farmington till he was almoft ftarved : 
and then he went to the Seafide to make ufe of 
the Oifter-bank at Stratford for his Relief, where 
ke was efpied by the Indians, and fo brought to 
Hart ford.437 

He affirmed, that there were above two hun- 
dred and fifty fighting Men amongft thofe im- 
dians that fled Weftward, befides Women and 
Children; and that near two hundred of them 
pafied the great River, below d/bany, and were 
fheltered by the Indians of that Place called 
Mohbeganders; but about eighty of them tarried 
on the Hither-fide of that River near a Dutch 
Village. But he being convicted of fighting 
againft the Englifh, was condemned to die, and 
executed about the fame Time. 

Some few of the Reft were fkulking about the 
Narhaganfet Country the laft Fall, hoping to 
fhelter themfeilves under Vucas, but he not will- 
ing to give them Countenance again{ft the Mind 
of his Friends at Conneéficut, hath fince aban- 
doned them to fhift for themfelves, who have bin 
moft of them taken and brought in Prifoners to 
the Englith this Winter. 

About the month of Odfober laft, Mr. Stanton 


437 According to the Teftimony five, and of the worft Charaéter. 
of Menowniett, another Indian, at See Colonial Records of Connecticut, 
Hartford, in Auguft of this Year, ii, 472,479. Cobas, and Cobaufe 
the Mifchiefs of Coos were Exten- are Names of the fame Indian. 


111 | with the Indians in New-England. 283 


chanced to come from Seaconke with three Jndians 
in his Company, Peguods or Mohegins ; they | 111] 
hearing by a Captive at one of the next Towns 
that there was a Parcel of the Enemy not far off, 
prefently left Mr. Stanton, and purfued after 
them, whom they foon after overtook, and made 
them all Prifoners. Amongit them was and old 
Man, not able to go their Pace, but promifing 
to come after them, they {pared his Life: but as 
foon as the Men returned at Night from Hunting, 
the old Man told them what had befain their 
Women and Children; whereupon the next 
Morning they prefently following after them, 
overtook them, and fo recovered the Prifoners, 
and flew one of the three that carried them 
-away ;#3° the other two hardly efcaped; one of 
them is called Major Symon, being Part a Peguod 
and Part a Narhaganfet, but of extraordinary 
Strength and Courage; he perceiving the Dan- 
ger they were in, challenged to fight Hand to 
Hand with any five of them with their Hatchets: 
but they unwilling to hang their Succefs upon 
the Hazard of a fingle Combate, came all to- 
wards him at once, whereupon firft difcharging 
his Gun amongft the whole Company, he brake 
through them all by Force, and fo efcaped their 
Hands, with one more that was of his Compan- 
ions. ‘This Szmon hath fince been very active in 
killing and taking many of the Enemy; fome 


438 The Author is not often fo enemy Indians flew one of thofe 
Prolix as in this Inftance. J] pre- which returned-to Stanton. That 
fume him to mean, that the returned is, one of Stanton’s Indians. 


284. . Narrative of the Troubles |111 


fay that he with his own Hands hath taken and 
killed above Threefcore; and either out of Ha- 
tred to the Enemy, or Love to the Englifh, is 
this laft Week gone with the Soldiers to the 
Eaftward, in Purfuit of our Quarrell again them 
in thofe Parts.439 

At another Time not long before, whee he? 
was out againft the Enemy, he came fuddenly 
upon a great Number of them, as they were 
fpread under a fteep Bank, from whence leaping 
down into the Midft of them he killed Divers, 
and took others: Fighting it feems is a Recrea- 
tion to him, for he is feldom at Home above four 
or five Daystogether. 

Some fay that in one of his former Expeditions, 
being much wearied and fpent, he laid him down 
to fleep, but towards Morning he fell into a 
Dream, wherein he apprehended the Indians 
were upon him, where fuddenly rifing up he 
efpied the Indians coming toward him, but pre- 
fently prefenting his Gun againft them, he fo 
frighted them, that they gave him an Oppor- 
tunity to make an Efcape from a Multitude of 
them. 

Since the Beginning of December laft, News 
coming down to Bo/fon, that Mifchief was done 
about Seaconk and Rehoboth, by fome Remainder 
of the Indians thereabout, killing their Swine and 
Horfes; feveral of Medfield went out after them, 


439 'Thofe who went under Sill, tioned. We fhall meet with ano- 
and Hathorne, as is elfewhere men- ther Sion of a different Character. 


112 | with the Indians in New-England. 285 


and purfuing them by their Track, came upon a 
{mall Party, of whom they took three, one of 
which efcaped, while fome of the Company were 
going after the Reft: They which were taken, 
confefled there were a Parcel, about Threefcore, 
that were lurking [112] up and down in thofe 
Woods: the faid two Indians were brought into 
Bojfton, “fan, 8.44° 

A Commiffion was formerly granted to Peter 
Ephraim an Indian of Natick, to go out in Purfuit 
of them, with twenty-nine of his Company: a 
Few of the Englifh went with them from 
Medfield, who being tired with marching in the 
Snow foon returned. The Jndzans kept on in 
their Defign, and lighted upon a confiderable 
Party of the Enemy, having traced them, till 
they found where they lodged over Night ; they 
furrounded them early in the Morning, as their 
Manner is, and then offered them Quarter, if 
they would yield: eight refolute Fellows refufed, 
who were prefently fhot down, the Reft were all 
feized, the Whole being in Number forty twox 
This was done about the Middle of Fanuary latt, 
fince which Time feveral fuch Exploits have been 
_ done by them. 

an. 23. laft, The fame Company of Natick 
Indians took two and twenty of the Enemy, 
among which were five able Men, and five Arms: 


440 Tt fhould be remembered that 25th of March his Dates fhould be 
the Author is now writing in 1677. Fanuary 8th 1676-7, &c., as elfe- 
Therefore, from this Time till the where explained. 


286 A Narrative of the Troubles [112 


they fent the Prifoners Home by five of their 
Company, the Reft went further in the Chafe. 
Fan. 26. laft, Another Parcel of the Enemy 
were brought in, eight in Number, of whom five 
were Men; among{ft whom was the /ndian called 
Cornelius : who three Years fince was indicted 
for killing an Englifh-man’s Cow; upon which 
he is faid to have uttered feveral threatning 
Speeches, that he would kill Englifh-men, and 
their Cows too; which was~ now remembered 
again{t him, when he was in Particular called to 
Account, for having an Hand in killing fome of 
the Englith and Indians alfo in League with us, 
for which he was fentenced to die, and was ac- 
cordingly executed on Feér. 15. latt. 
Concerning the Reft of the Indians, either in 
the Colony of Pélimouth, Connecticut, or the 
Ma/ffachufets, there is no Occurrent more of Mo- 
ment come to Light, fince the End of Augu/ latt, 
fave what is laft mentioned before; yet is it very 
Remarkable that although Terms of Peace were 
offered to all that would come in and furrender 
themfelves (as appears by a Declaration put out 
in fuly laft) and that a Nzpuet Sachem called 
“fobn, did thereupon with a confiderable Number 
of his Company come in, and offer themfelves, 
and were accordingly fecured of their Lives, and 
other Concernments; yet did that treacherous 
Varlet make an Efcape away this Winter from 
Capt. Prentices Houfe (under whofe Charge he 
was put, about Cambridge Village) and with above 
twenty more fled away into the Woods, to {fhift 


113 | with the Indians in New-England. 287 


for himfelf amongft the Reft of his bloody Com- 
panions; they were prefently purfued, but had 
gone [113] too faft and too far to be overtaken, 
whether it were Confcientioufnefs of. their own 
Guilt, that having had an Hand in the Blood of 
the Englifh, they feared Vengeance hung over 
their Heads: or whether they liked not the Eng- 
lifh Manners fo well, as to be confined there- 
unto : Wild Creatures ordinarily love the Liberty 
of the Woods, better than the Reftraint of a 
Cage; they made None acquainted with their 
Defign before they went away, and as yet little 
Account can be given of them: only it is known, 
that one or two of their Number have fince been 
killed: and that one or two of their Families are 
entertained by Vucas, but what is become of the 
Reft is yet Uncertain: There were but feven of 
the Company, Men; fo as they are not capable 
to do much Michief. Some of Late have trav- 
elled through the Woods to Connecticut, but met 
with no Indians, nor did they hear of any in 
their pafling between that Place and this. 

And becaufe in the prefent Narratzve, there 
hath been frequent Mention made of Vucas the 
Mohegin Sachim, and of his Faithfulnefs to the 
Intereft of the Englifh; I add in this Place, that 
it is fufpected by them that knew him beft, that 
in his Heart he is no better affected to the Eng- 
lifh, or their Religion, than the Reft of his 
Country-men: and that it hath been his own 
Advantage that hath led him to be thus true to 
them who have upheld him, as formerly againft 


288 A Narrative of the Troubles {113 
the Pequods, fo of Late againft the Narhagan- 


Sets :4* yet hath he not long fince been convinced 
of the Truth of our Religion, and Vanity of his 
own, as himfelf hath folemnly confeffed, which 
will evidently appear by this following Paflage, 
which I fhall here reprefent juft as it was, from 
under the Hand of that Reverend Perfon it 
relates unto, viz. Mr. Fitch, Paftor of the 
Church at Norwich, near unto which Vucas_ his 
Placeus 

There was a great Drought the laft Summer : 
but as it feems, it was more extream in thofe 
Parts than with us about the Ma/ffachu/ets: and 
although probably the Englifh might have 
prayed for Rain themfelves without any Motion 
from the Indians ; yet their Addrefs to the faid 
Mr. Fitch on fuch an Account, with the Confe- 
quences thereof, is very Remarkable, which take 
in his own Words : 

Concerning the Drought, &c. the true Narrative 
of that Providence ts this : 


441 Our Eftimate of the Chara¢éter He was a confummate Knave, but 
of Uncashasalready beengiven. The how much of his -Knavery he 
Author does not make due Allow- learned of the Englifh it is notworth 
ance for the peculiar Circumftances_ while to inquire. Certain it is he 
of the Indians. For the Englifh to made himfelf Indifpenfable to them, 
judge them like others of their own in their Management of the Pe- 
Race was exceedingly Unjuft. But quots and Narraganfets. For thofe 
this was done, and they-were pun- who would extend their Inquiries 
ifhed as much for their Ignorance further with Refpeét to Uncas, I 
as Crimes. Uncas was fo long can do no better than to refer them 
and fo much in Intercourfe with the to the Hzfory of New London, by 
Settlers, that he underftood them, Mifs Caulkins, a local Hiftory com- 
as well, at leaft, as they did him. piled with great Faithfulnefs. 


114.| withthe Indians in New-England. 289 


In Augutt laft, fuch was the Want of Rain that 
the Indian Corn was not not only dryed and 
parched up, but the Apple Trees withered, the 
Fruit and Leaves fell off as in Autumn, and fome 
Trees feemed to be Dead with that Drought: the 
Indians came into the Town and did lament their 
Want of Rain and that their Pawawes, could get 
None in their Way of Worfhip |114| defring me 
that I would feek to God for Rain; I appointed a 
Faft-day for that Purpofe. The Day being come, 
it proved a clear Day without any Clouds, untill 
nigh Sun-fetting, when he came from the Meeting, 
and then fJome Clouds arofe, the next Day remaining 
cloudy : then Vncas with many Indians came to my 
Houfe, Vneas lamented there was fuch Want of 
Rain ; I afked, whether if God fhould fend us Rain, 
he would not attribute it to their Pawawes? He 
anfwered, No, for they had done their Uttermoft, 
and all in Vain: I replyed, if you will declare tt 
before all thefe Indians, you shall fee what God will 
do for us; For although this Year he hath fhewn 
his Anger againft the Englith, and not only againft 
the Indians, yet he hath begun to fave us; andI 
have found by Experience twice in the like Cafe, 
when we fought him by Fafting and Prayer, he hath 
given us Rain, and never denied us. Then Vncas 
made a great Speech to the Indians (which were 
many ) confefing, that if God fhould then fend Rain, 
it could not be afcribed to their Pawawing, but muft 
be acknowledged to be an Anfwer of our Prayers. 
This Day the Clouds [pread more and more: and the 

Qq 


290 A Narrative of the Troubles |114 
next Day there was fuch a Plenty of Rain, that our 


River rofe more than two Foot in Height.4* 

‘By all that is recorded in the Narrative fore- 
going, there are none into whofe Hands_it fhall 
come, but will be fenfible that the prefent ‘Time 
hath been a Day of great Rebuke and Trouble 
to the poor People fojourning in this Wildernefs, 
upon whom fundry Calamities have broke in at 
once this Laft as well as in the former Years: in 
many Places they have been vifited with Sick- 
nefs, and Mortality, more than in many Years 
before, depriving them of many worthy and ufe- 
ful Perfons; amongft others, the Lofs of Mr. 
‘fohbn Winthrope, the late worthy Governour of the 
Colony of Connecticut, is, as it ought, much la- 
mented by all, who died at Boffon, April 5, 1676. 
in the 73d Year of his Age; whither he was oc- 
cafionally called the laft Winter to fit with the 
Reft of the Commiffioners of the united Colonies, 
to confult about the great Affairs of them, now 
newly engaged in thefe Troubles from the Hea- 
then.4#3 He was the eldeft Son of the famous 
Governour of the Maffachufets, deceafed, March 
26,1649. Proles fimilima Parenti. 'The Memory 
of the Father, though he died fo long ago, yet 


442'There is. another interefting 
Story of the ill Succefs of a Powow 
related in the New England Hiffori- 
cal and Genealogical Regiffer, ii, 
44. In that Article there is a flight 
Error in the laft Line but one. For 
his Author, read bis Mother. 


443 Fis Remains were depofited in 
the Winthrop ‘Tomb, King’s Chapel 
Burying Ground, Bofton. He wasa 
Refident of Hartford at the Time of 
his Death. He was long a Refident of 
New London, and is duly remem- 
bered by the Hiftorian of that City, 


115 | withthe I. ndians in N. ew-England, 291 


lives ftillin the Minds of the furviving Genera- 
tion, and is like to continue much longer, by the 
Remembrance of the eminent Virtues found in 
this the eldeft of his Off-fpring, who being not 
long after, or about that Time called to take up 
his Refidence in that Colony, was by the Impor- 
tunity of the People there, prevailed with to ac- 
cept of the Governours Place, which for a long 
Time after, he held over that Colony, [115] 
though annually chofen thereunto; being fo well 
furnifhed with many excelent Endowments, as 
well Moral as Political and Philofophical, which 
rendred him moft fit to be an Healer of that Peo- 
ple. ‘Though we are dealing in another Subjeét, 
yet fhall not pafs by his Tomb, as we go along, 
without paying the Homage due to the Memory 
of fo Honourable a Gentleman.*44 

After all the forementioned Calamities and 
Troubles, it pleafed God to alarm the Town of 
Bofton, and in them the whole Country, by a fad 
Fire, accidentally kindled by the Carelefnefs of 
an Apprentice that fat up too late over Night, as 
was conceived ; which began an Hour before Day, 
continuing three or four, in which Time it 
burned down to the Ground forty fix Dwelling 


Stone or Brafs can furnifh. He 
has been called the Father of Bof- 


444] am not aware thata Monu- 
ment of any Kind was ever erected 


to the Memory of the fecond Gov- 
ernor of Maffachufetts. Nor is it 
Neceflary there fhould be. A 
Journal which he kept from his 
fetting out from England till within 
a fhort Time of his Death in Bof- 
ton, is a better Monument than 


ton, but were he alive at this Day, 
he probably would not covet the 
Paternity of its crooked Streets, yet 
they are the moft confpicuous Mon- 
uments to his Memory likely to be 
erected. An Edition of his Journal 
with modern Light, is defirable. 


292 A Narrative of theTroubles [115 


Houfes, befides other Buildings, together with a 
Meeting-houfe of confiderable Bignefs: fome 
Mercy was obferved mixt with the Judgment: 
for if a great Rain had not continued all the 
Time (the Roofs and Walls of their ordinary 
Buildings confifting of fuch combuftible Matter) 
that whole end of the Town had at that Time 
been confumed.*45 

Whereby we fee that God by his Providence 
can turn our Dwellings into Afhes, without the 
Help of either foreign or domeftick Enemies. 
Which Confideration may awaken all from Se- 
curity and Confidence in thefe uncertain and un- 
{table Poffeffions, who have no firmer Foundation, 
that may fo foon after their firft Erection, be © 
eaten up by the Flames of Fire, before the iron 
Teeth of time have had leifure to devour and 
feed upon them. 

God grant that by the Fire of all thefe “fudg- 
ments, we may be purged from our Drofs, and 
become a more refined People, asVeffels fitted for our 
Mafters Ufe. 


445 A more particular Account of in the Hiffory and Antiquities of 
this calamitous Fire will be found Bo/ton. 








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